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Kashmiri Pandits: On the road to extinction

In kashmir on October 18, 2009 at 14:31

Kashmiri Pandits: On the road to extinction
By P.N.Razdan

The Kashmiri Hindu���s tragic saga continues to this day with neither the state nor the central governments doing enough to relocate those who fled their homeland.
Kashmiri Pandits, the Hindus of Kashmir valley, have been Kashmir’s original inhabitants. Their roots in the valley can be traced back to 5,000 years. Their history dates back to the time when one of their earliest kings, Gonanda I, fought and died in the Mahabharata battle.

The Kashmiri kingdom comprised the present valley, Gilgit, Baltistan, parts of Punjab and even extended, at one time, to Western Tibet and Afghanistan. It witnessed a religious transformation from Buddhism in the 4th and the 3rd centuries BC to Brahmanism — Shaivites and Shakti worshippers — till the 11th century AD when conversion of Hindus to Islam started with the annexation of Punjab by Mahmud Ghazni in 1021 AD.

Beginning of the 14th century saw mass Islamic conversions with the arrival of a trio comprising a Sufi saint, Bulbul Shah, from Turkey, Rinchan, a rebel prince form Tibet and Shamir, a Muslim religious preacher from Swat valley in Persia. The trio joined hands to transform the Hindu kingdom of Kashmir into a Muslim empire — a dream that Arabs had nurtured for more than five centuries.

Mayhem, plunder and subjugation were unleashed in the next 500 years. Savage methods and brutal force was used to make the innocent locals embrace Islam. Except for a brief period of relief under pious rulers Zain-ul-Abdin and Mughal emperor Akbar, Hindus continued to be forcibly converted. Their temples were ransacked and wrecked, scriptures were burnt, and taxes (jazia) were imposed. People had no option but convert, flee or commit suicide. To escape the wrath of the brutal persecution, there was mass exodus from Kashmir. There are records of at least six mass exoduses during this period and Kashmir history records that only 11 Hindu households were left at one time. All other Kashmiri Hindus were either killed, converted to Islam or had migrated to safer places.

Kashmir returned to peaceful times after its annexation by Maharaja Ranjit Singh in 1819 at the invitation of a Kashmiri, Pandit Birbal Dhar. Peace and order was restored and all punitive laws against Hindus were revoked. This was followed by hundred years of peaceful rule by Dogras of Jammu till the Indian independence in 1947. Sheikh Abdullah, who led the independence movement in Kashmir, was a great votary of secularism and several prominent Kashmiri Pandits were his closest colleagues during the freedom struggle against the Maharaja. Kashmiri Pandits therefore occupied important positions in Jammu & Kashmir as part or the newly born Indian Republic. Estimate of their population then is about 1.50 lakh forming about 9 per cent of the valley’s population.

Post independence, Kashmiri Pandits lived a peaceful life in the valley and enjoyed all rights available to the citizenry. They formed an important part of the composite Kashmiri Hindu-Muslim-Sikh culture, popularly called Kashmiriyat. During the communal flare-ups of the partition, Mahatma Gandhi saw a ray of hope in the state’s religious harmony. Kashmiri Pandits, however, had to make adjustments with the growing aspirations of the Muslims in a free political set up. Their absentee land lordship over agricultural lands got eschewed under the tenancy and land reforms initiated by the people’s government in 1952 and this affected a large number of Pandit families. Being an educated class, Pandits, who were solely dependant on government employment, had also to concede space to fellow Muslims, who, too, were now educated and were claimants to government employment. These and a long agitation in 1967 over the kidnapping of a Pandit girl by a Muslim boy and the government apathy on the issue started a low-key migration of Pandits outside Kashmir. However this wasn’t so large as to draw the state government’s attention, particularly as Kashmir appeared so peaceful in the 1971-87 period after the 1971 Indo-Pak war that separated East Bengal from Pakistan.

The events of 1989 turned the tables on Pandits. As a follow-up of the Pakistan-sponsored militancy that started in 1989-90, almost the entire community of 2.5 lakh Kashmiri Pandits was forced to leave the valley following arson, rape and killing of about a 1,000 members of their community by terrorists. This was their seventh exodus. The state government made makeshift arrangements for these migrants in tented camps around Jammu, Udhampur and Delhi. Many of them stayed voluntarily with friends and relatives in different parts of the country. As of now, there is no change in this situation and these temporary residences of the migrants continue. Although the government provides relief in cash and kind to registered migrants and salaries to those who were in employment, yet the loss of home and snapping of ties with their roots has made a tremendous impact on their physical, social and mental make up. Out of Kashmir’s total population 5.5 million, there are now about 5,000 Kashmiri Pandits left in the valley. They have dared to stay on despite the militancy.

Kashmiri Pandit community is therefore at the cross roads of history today. This diaspora of around 7 lakh people is scattered all over the globe. They live practically in every corner of the world — from the migrant camps in the outskirts of Jammu city, to medium towns and metropolises in India, Europe, North America and Africa. They are stateless Indian citizens, who have no vote, no constituency and no representation in Parliament or the Assembly of their home state. They have become refugees in their own country. Their employment in the state has dropped from 14,000 to just 1,000 and there are no new recruitments happening. Admissions to professional colleges in the state stopped the day they left the state. Had the state governments of Maharashtra and Karnataka not reserved one seat in each engineering institute of the state for the migrant community, Kashmiri Pandit youth would have been on the roadside and turned into bad elements. Their exodus from Kashmir has not only deprived them of their homeland, but also their properties, culture, language, history, rituals and the social milieu they inherited and conserved for thousands of years. They are finding themselves at the cross roads of history where the only road visible is the one leading to their extinction.

Kashmiri Pandits have been a highly accomplished community. It has produced several luminaries in history. Kashmir has been a seat of Buddhist philosophy, Shaivism, Sanskrit learning, and a messenger of Vedic civilization to India. Between the 9th and the 14th centuries, Kashmir produced a galaxy of intellectuals like Kalhana, the great historian of the world. Kalhana’s Rajtarangani, a chronicle of the kings of Kashmir, Patanjali’s Mahabasya commentary on Panini’s works on Sanskrit grammar, Abhinavgupta, the Shaivist philosopher and Saint Suyya, the great engineer who rid Kashmir of incessant floods and built the town of Sopore in northern Kashmir stand a testimony to the intellectual heritage of the Pandits. They are many other Pandit luminaries, including Pingala and his monumental work Pingalasutra on metrics and prosody, Lal Ded, the great mystic poetess and philosopher, Kshemendra the Sanskrit poet and playwright, known as “Vedvyasa of Kashmir” on account of his commentaries on Ramayana. They made priceless contribution in the fields of music, dance, astronomy, mathematics, philosophy and literature. Kalidasa the Sanskrit poet and Caraka, the great physician and author of the famous book on medicine Charaksamhita are also believed to be from Kashmir.

In the last century, Kashmir gave India its first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, Swami Lakshman Ji spiritualist and guru on Shaivist philosophy and Tantraloka, Pandit Gopi Krishna, the master and researcher in Kundalini techniques, Anupam Kher the Bollywood actor, R N Kao, the author and first chief of RAW, Suresh Raina, the emerging young cricketer, several administrators, judges, journalists, military personnel, engineers and doctors.

Kashmiri Pandits have won laurels in every field, be it business, computer software or research, in India and abroad. Their ingenuity, analytical mind and sublime nature have been appreciated all over.

A disintegrated community, not unsurprisingly, has so many community organizations to take care of the local needs, interaction with the mainstream communities, and above all to keep their age-old culture protected. Almost every Kashmiri enclave in any town has an organization, which arranges community meets on prominent festival days, yagyas, interactive parties, etc to foster a cultural bonding. The younger generation that has hardly seen its roots is fast merging with the local conditions and societies, hardly speak Kashmiri language, and marry outside their community without any taboo.

Despite occasional outbursts and pleas for their honorable return to the valley, they draw a blank from the government, Kashmiri Muslims and general public. Nobody seems to care to save this illustrious community from becoming extinct.

Kashmiri Pandits are politically irrelevant too. Being an uprooted lot, they do not constitute a vote bank, are not a slogan-shouting crowd and are too self-oriented to be of relevance to the politicians. They do not have an apex political body to represent themselves, which probably is their greatest failure and the reason to be so extraneous to the people, media and the government. The first time they were given a political platform in the last 16 years of their exile was at the first roundtable on Kashmir held in Delhi in February this year. Their demand of a carving out a separate homeland for them in the Kashmir valley – a state or a union territory – was turned down by both the state and the central governments. And, the issue of their return to Kashmir has been relegated to the background and has been tagged with the return of other refugees from across the LOC.

Kashmiri Pandit community is at a precipice. The state and central governments need to appreciate the community’s predicament. More importantly, the Kashmiri Muslims need to welcome the community back to their homes for preservation of Kashmir’s ancestry and the mosaic of cultural synthesis the valley is known for.

Integration of the community and its development as a separate social sect is possible only if it returns back to its homeland roots. It is important for this to delink the issue of the return of Kashmiri Pandits from the Kashmir problem. All separatist and national parties in J&K and migrant Kashmiri pandits need to sit together and chalk out a detailed coordinated plan of action for an unconditional and honorable return of the displaced persons. Return of Pandits is possible through a social initiative. The government role should start only after the community returns to its home.

Other steps that can inject confidence in this community could be the reservation of one seat through nomination in Parliament under Article 331 of the Constitution on the lines of the Anglo-Indian community and similar reservation of two seats in the state assembly. These measures would reassure the community of their safety. Also, certain laws need to be introduced in the state constitution that guarantee quick redressal of the community grievances, reservation in state employment and admissions in professional colleges and creation of a full-fledged Ministry for Return and Rehabilitation of Migrants (MRRM) to liaise with the migrants and redress their problems.

Happily the conditions in the valley are fast changing for the better. Dark clouds of fear and mistrust are giving way to those of hope and goodwill. Service in the spirit of a self-preservation of their heritage by all Kashmiris irrespective of religion, can save the Kashmiri Pandit community from their current hardship and extinction.

The History of Kashmiri Pandits

In kashmir on October 13, 2009 at 17:09

The Pandit Reborn- By Jia Lal Kilam

ALI SHAH could not maintain himself long on the throne. He had struck no deep roots in the people. The bulk of the people were subjected to a forcible conversion, and though later on they reconciled themselves to the inevitable, yet for the time being the wound was fresh and the resentment alive. There were many others who, though not converted dragged their miserable existence either by paying Jazia or by passing their days in disguise. The result was a universal discontent, Whether stung by a remorse for his own misdeeds or for the mere love of travel Ali Shah planned a pilgrimage to the holy places of Islam, but on reaching Jammu he changed his mind on the advice of the king of that place and he returned back to Kashmir with a considerable force supplied to him by the latter. He had appointed his younger brother Shahi Khan to act on his behalf in his absence. Shahi Khan came out to meet him, but was defeated by the superior forces of Ali Shah. Ali Shah again ascended the throne, but was soon defeated by Shahi Khan, who mounted the throne now and took the title of Zainulabdin. That Shahi Khan would have won an easy victory shows that Ali Shah, the rightful sovereign had lost the confidence of the people.

Shahi Khan now known as Zainulabdin opened a new chapter in the annals of Muslim Kashmir. From tenth century onwards and even earlier the Muslims, particularly the Arabs, had almost monopolized the trade in the East. Arab ships went as far as China and Japan. In the fourteenth century these traders had established their colonies in South India, Ceylon, Java, Sumatra, and even in China. Their contacts with races and religions other than their own had widened their outlook. The enormous gains which they reaped from trade abroad made them keep their countries open for non-Muslim traders too. Fresh ideas poured into the Muslim lands. With the free flow of ideas which now broke through the iron ring of strict isolation, it was but natural that the Governments too in most Muslim countries became very tolerant. Poets and philosophers with a radical outlook came into being and inspite of the rigidity of the Muslim Code there came about a revolution in men’s minds. Kashmir also shared the spirit of the age. In the reign of Zainulabdin trade and commerce flourished. Kashmiri traders went as far away as Turkey and with them came new ideas and many learned men. Zainulabdin with his receptive mind fully partook of this new spirit and became very tolerant. He turned his attention to the establishment of real peace in the country. He dealt with lawless elements with an iron hand, and strengthened the defences of the frontiers. This gave a great deal of encouragement to trade, and with the establishment of safe communications learned people and traders and industrialists from all over Asia began coming over to the country. Many industries were started and above all agriculture was made a special concern of the State. Gigantic irrigation schemes were undertaken and completed which exist to the present day. Where ever one may go in Kashmir, he will, in spite of the efflux of five centuries, come across with the name of this king. Zainagir Zainapur, Zainadub, Zaina Lank, Zaina Ganga and Zaina Kadal bear eloquent testimony to the great and glorious rule of this King.

It has already been noticed that the Hindu population was totally uprooted. An overwhelming majority of the people was converted forcibly, though many there were who accepted the new creed with their free will. A good number of Brahmans had left the country and many more were passing their days in ignominy and wretchedness only on payment of Jazia. But they could not openly declare themselves as Hindus nor couId they affix their Hindu mark on their foreheads, much less could they pray in their temples or perform any religious ceremony. But with Zainulabdin coming to power the Brahmans got a respite. Again we find them practising some arts, notably medicine. In this useful art they had achieved from times immemorial a mastery which they had maintained even in spite of the vicissitudes of times through which they had to pass. Their fame began to re-assert itself and in course of time it reached the royal ears as well. Zainulabdin got a poisonous boil which gave him much trouble. The court physicians tried their skill but failed, Jona Raja, the historian says “As flowers are not obtainable in the month of Magha on account of the mischief by snow, even so physicians who knew about poisons could not at that time be found in the country owing to Governmental oppression. The servants of the king at last found out Shri Bhatta who knew the antidotes of poisons and was well-versed in the art of healing, but out of fear he, for a long time delayed to come. When he arrived, the king gave him encouragement and he completely cured the king of the poisonous boil.” The king wanted to make munificent gifts to Shri Bhatta. But the latter refused to accept any. But when pressed hard, he made a request which was to the effect that the Jazia on the Brahmans be remitted, and opportunities be assured to them to develop their mental and moral resources without any let or hinderance. The selflessness displayed by the physician Shri Bhatta had its effect upon the mind of the king. The request was accepted and Jazia was remitted. The Brahman was freed from the position of inferiority to which he was relegated by the previous kings.

Shri Bhatta’s selflessness and the acceptance of his request by the king proved a land-mark in the history of Hinduism in Kashmir. Shri Bhatta’s attitude shows that the will to live as a group by themselves was very predominent amongst the Brahmans which was shared by Shri Bhatta in an equal measure with the whole lot of them. Freed from the shackles of Jazia and other handicaps the Brahmans started their own reorganization and rehabilitation. By now the Persian had become the official language. The desire to share office with others could not be fulfilled without a study of Persian. The Brahmans who were poppularly known as Bhattas took to the study of Persian and in a brief span of a few years they acquired a mastery over this language. But the Sanskrit learning and their religious ceremonies were not forgotten because this was the only distinctive feature to keep them alive as a separate group. There was now practically only one caste, that of the Brahmans which represented Hinduism in Kashmir. From this did now ” Lords Spiritual and Temporal” again take their birth, just as in the past the Lords spiritual and Temporal sprang out of the vis (populace.) The caste was divided further into two sub-castes, the Karkuns and the Bhasha Bhatta or Bhacha Bhat, the former included amongst its fold those who studied Persian and entered Government service and the latter those who studied Bhasha, i.e., Sanskrit and took charge of the religious affairs of the community. But how was the division of labour to be made? It was decided that a daughter’s son of a person should be made a Bhasha Bhatta to administer to the religious needs of his maternal grandfather’s family. The arrangement was simple enough, as it began involving ho loss of status to the Bhaska Bhatta, but in course of time this arrangement became responsible for the creation of two distinct classes with a distinctive culture and mode of life and habits with the result that though there is no legal or religious bar, yet the two classes seldom inter-marry these days. In the beginning the Bhasha Bhattas prided at having been given the exalted position of the custodian of the religion and learning of the country and may be that they were looked at with great esteem and regard by the Karkuns. But for his maintenance the Bhasha Bhatta was dependent upon the Karkuns. In course of time they lost their importance. The rise and fall of the Karkun made a corresponding increase or decrease in Basha Bhatta’s economic position. Gradually the majority of the Bhasha Bhatta’s became like the parts of a soul-less machine destined to perform ceremonies in a mechanical manner in lieu of a pittance they eked out of the munificence of the Karkun, but some of them maintained their highest traditions, and their fame for great learning and culture resounded from one end to the other. But socially, because of their economic dependence upon them, they in course of time came to be looked down by the Karkuns. Thus the Kashmiri Pandit took his birth in his modern shape, though till then the name Kashmiri Pandit was not coined to describe this community which was described as Bhatta. Even now a Kashmiri Pandit at home describes himself as a Bhatta and it is by this name that he is described by others in Kashmir.

Having cured the king and refused to accept a reward, Shri Bhatta rose very high in the official favour. He was made the court physician and Afsar-ul-ataba, the Head of the Medical Department. His influence both with the king and his own people was very great. This influence he utilised in the rehabilitation of his people. The king was all prepared for this. He wanted peace and prosperity. Jona Raja says ” As the lion does not attack other animals in the hermitage of saints, so the Turshkas who were very much alarmed did not now oppress the Brahmans as they had done before. Brilliant as the sun the king bestowed his favours on men of merit (Brahmans) whose very existence had been endangered previously.” The result was that many Brahmans who were forcibly converted during previous times were reconverted without any molestation. Those who had fled away came back in large numbers. The king gave them rent free lands and besides imported a number of Brahmans from Jagannath and Yogis from Kurukhshetra. The Brahmans were free to practise their religion and some temples that were damaged during the previous rule were repaired. Sanskrit books that were destroyed were sent for from India. Many Sanskrit books were translated into Persian and similarly Persian books into Sanskrit. A free kitchen was established for Yogis and other Sanyasis and Pathshalas were established for the propagation of Sanskrit learning. In short no stone was left unturned in giving fullest relief to the Brahmans. No wonder that the Sultan came to be known and is even now known as Bhatta Shah i. e., the king of Bhattas. The Brahmans repaired to the Sultan’s Court with their petty grievances and complaints and like the Hindu kings of old the Sultan listened and redressed them. In Zainpur and Zainagir rent free lands were given to them.

The Brahman, the Pandit or the Bhatta proved a source of great strength to the Sultan. In intellectual field he enriched his court, and in the land assessment work his services were unique. The land settlement records were placed in charge of and prepared by the Brahmans. The village administration was totally in Brahman’s hands and being the only literate man in the village he was a useful member of the village community. This accounts for the existence of Pandits though in very small numbers in villages with a predominant Muslim population in spite of the vicissitudes through which he had to go in course of centuries that rolled by from the time Zainulabdin held sway. With his apptitude for literary pursuits, the Brahmans took to the study of Persian and within a short time acquired a sound and workable knowledge of the language. This made their entry into subordinate services both easy and possible. Jona Raja and Shri Vara, the two Hindu chroniclers, have bestowed unbounded praise upon the Sultan for his open partiality for the Brahmans and their sacred books. A sort of Research Department was established which amongst others performed the task of translating Sanskrit books into Persian and vice versa. This opened the portals of Sanskrit learning to the Muslim savants and the Brahmans themselves learnt Persian and Arabic. Both the communities came to respect the learning of each other. A new culture now began to grow which was the outcome of a synthesis in the mode of thought and way of life followed by the two communities. Saints and sages now appeared who preached oneness of God and brotherhood of his creatures. Common places of worship sprang into existence where both the Brahman and the Sheikh prayed. A common poetry sprang up in Kashmiri language which was sung by both the Hindus and Muslims. The language was beautified further by an admixture of Sanskrit and Persian words used to describe highest ideas pertaining to the mystic faith which all of them shared copiously. In spite of the constant changes which took place on the political horizon after Zainulabdin’s reign there came about little change in the life of the people.

At the top many Kashmiri Brahmans came to prominence. Some of them were in constant attendance on the Sultan whom they described in their writings as Suratrana Shri Jainulavadena. He listened with great pleasure to recitations from Nilmat Purana and other Shastras such as Vashishta Brahama Darshana. Shrivara the historian says, “The king heard me recite the Vashishta Brahma Darshna composed by Valmiki which is known as the way to salvation and when he heard the annotations he was pervaded by a feeling of tranquility. He remembered them even in his dreams.” The influence of these Brahmans was so great that he forbade the killing of fish in cettain tanks and even stopped cow-killing, and also meat eating on some days. No wonder that a Muslim historian deplcres that ” the king imported back all the practices of the infidels which were once vanished from his land.” But the king, unmindful of the Muslim historian, trod his Fath which led to his eternal credit and greatness of the country.

In his reign the country witnessed an unprecedented prosperity. Agriculture reached its highest peak. The produce was as much as it was never witnessed ever since, not even under the glorious rule of the Moghuls. The produce of Shali alone was 774 lacs of Khirwars (154 lacs of maunds). The land settlement including agriculture was in charge of the Brahmans. For these operations the country was divided into two provinces. Each province was placed in charge of a Qanungo whose duty it was to look after the general welfare of irrigation and to prepare settlement records. Madho Kaul, was put in charge of northern province and, Ganesh Kaul in charge of the southern. They both were responsible to an inter- provincial head known as Sadar Qanungo by name Gopala Kaul. Under their supervision huge irrigation schemes were undertaken. L al Kuhl, Shah Kuhl exist even up to this day and feed thousands of acres of land. As was but natural these three Brahmans recruited on subordinate posts of Patwaris and others, men from their own community. The Patwaris prepared village records. This class of Patwaris lives upto this date. Ever since they have been holding these posts in heredity, the son following the father and so on. Sultans came and Sultans went, some of them cruel harsh and oppressive to the Brahmans now known as Pandits, but the Pandit Patwari on account of the usefulness of his job was left unmolested. There were many other Pandits who filled the ministerial ranks or waited upon the king as courtiers. The notable amongst them was Shri Bhatta himself. He was the head of the State physicians and held a ministerial rank. The Sultan was highly kind to him. As already seen, Shri Bhatta was indeed a deserving person. Shri Vara the historian writes that it was due to Shri Bhatta that Brahmans rose high. About him it is stated that

” Shri Bhatta was a Wazir of the king and was very high in his favours. On his death the Sultan not only expressed his great sorrow but settled an early endowment of one crore dinars on his sons.”

A short description of the Pandits who rose high in his reign may not be out of place. Sadasheo Bayu was the royal astronomer, and astrologer and held a very high rank. So did Tilkacharya, a great Budhist scholar. Soma Pandit was a very high dignatory and held a very high and distinguished position at the court and was besides, in charge of the Translation Department. He was greatly gifted for this job on account of his mastery of both Sanskrit and Persian languages. He wrote exquisite poetry in Kashmiri and was well-versed in Persian and Tibetan languages besides Sanskrit. He was the author of a book Jaina Charitra which gives an account of the Sultan’s reign. He was a skilful musician and has written a book on this subject. He translated many Persian books into Sanskrit and besides this, Mahabharata and Raj Taranigni were for the first time translated into Persian under his supervision and direction. He was a great favourite of the king. Sumitra Bhatta was an astrologer of repute who also was in constant attendance at the Court. Rupya Bhatta was another astrologer very much honoured by the king about whom it is recorded that “he could without the labour of calculation, but by merely observing the course of the planets in the past year, know their position in the year to come.” Karpur Bhatta was a physician of renown to avail of whose treatment men from distant lands came to Kashmir. Shree Ramanand renowned scholar of his time wrote an exposition of Mahabhashya. Yodha Bhatta was a great poet in Kashmiri language. He wrote Jaina Prakash and presented it to the king who ” in token of his appreciation bestowed many favours on him.” Bhatta Avatara (or Bhodi Bhatta) as others call him, was a great favourite of the king. He had Committed to memory the whole of the Shah Nama for which the king had a great liking. The duty of Bhatta Avatara was to recite Shah Nama for the delectation of the king. It is said that the king got unbounded pleasure from his recitations. This man was a great musician and has written a treatise on music. Rupya Bhanda was in charge of the palace decorations and Jaya Bhatta maintained the king’s private accounts, and the king’s charities were distributed through him. Jona Raja and Shri Vara were the two historians. The former assisted the Sultan as an assessor in deciding the cases laid before him. Shivara was a great musician who was very much in king’s favour. There were other Pandits also who were given strictly confidential diplomatic missions to execute. In short the Pandits carved for themselves a place in the body politic.

In the foregoing pages we have seen as to how the Pandits again rehabilitated and reorganized themselves. They studied Persian and in a short period of a few years they acquired a mastery over this language and by their useful services they acquired an influence and prestige which put them on par with any favoured class in the realm. It is evidene that the atrocities which were perpetrated on them during the previous rules had not robbed them of their stamina. They possessed it in abundant measure. Those who could not withstand the trials to which time put them changed their faith but those who persisted and went through the ordeal of fire and death came out unseathed and with their stamina undiminished. Zainulabdin breathed his last in the year 1474 A. D.

Though with his passing away the Pandits lost much of their prestige and greatness, yet the structure of society which they had built during his benevolent rule lasted for long and provided them shelter during the vicissitudes that befell them during their chequered career. The vicissitudes they had to go through were many and numerous: vicissitudes that almost brought them to the brink of destruction, but they survived and survive till today

The Kashmir -History

In kashmir on October 12, 2009 at 07:09

The Kashmir -History

Kashmiri Pandits who have left the Saffron Valley, feel the pain and agony of migration.

Myth and reality move together in the Saffron Valley of mystic splendor. The reclamation of land from Satisar created certain complications. The Saraswati River that flowed into the eastern Punjab, Rajasthan, Sind and other parts of Indian subcontinent suddenly got dried up. Geologists are of the opinion that all those streams, which fed Satisar and form the source of water for the Saraswati river, mostly ran underground. Once the cleft materialized at Baramulla, the water of the Satisar flowed out in an opposite direction, leaving the Saraswati basin dry. The Aryan Saraswat Brahmans, who used to live on the banks of Saraswati river, migrated to the Kashmir Valley to continue their austerities. With the passage of time these people came to be known as ‘Bhattas’ in Kashmir. The word is derivative of Brahman. Now they are called the Kashmiri Pandits or the Aryan Saraswat Brahmans of Kashmir, who believe in the mystic combination of Shaivism, Kali Bhakti, Shakta worship and Tantra.
History of the Kashmiri Pandits is the history of Kashmir since unknown millennia. They are associated with its society, culture, civilization, customs, traditions, myths and realities. The rise of Buddhism and reactions by Brahmans gave rise to a long struggle between the two rival ideologies. The Naga (Snake) worship was also the dominant religion in the 4th and 3rd centuries B.C. However, Buddhism flourished in the Valley during the reign of Durnadeo, Simhadeo, Sundersen, Ashoka and Kanishka. The great Buddhist council was held at Kanishpur in Kashmir during the rule of Kanishka and it was presided over by two eminent scholars — Asvaghosha and Vasumitra. About 500 monks from different parts of the subcontinent attended the same. Nagarjuna , a Bodhisattva and the greatest philosopher of Buddhism, lived in Kashmir. During the reign of Abhimanu, a number of people were converted to Buddhism. It was first struggle of the Kashmiri Brahmans for their survival. A number of Kashmiri scholars – Kumarajiva (AD 384-417), Shakyashri Badhra (AD 405), Ratnavera, Shama Bhatta (5th Cen AD) and others went to China and Tibet to preach Buddhism. However, the Brahmans regained their supremacy during the reign of Nara I . The struggle between Buddhism and Brahmanism came to an end with the emergence of modern Hinduism. A period of comparative historical validity began with the establishment of the Karkuta rule in AD 627. Avantivarman (AD 855-833) is believed to be the first Vaishnavite ruler of Kashmir. During his rule there was a tremendous cultural development in the Valley. The great Shaiva philosophers of this period were Kayyatacharya, Somananda, Muktakantha Swamin, Shiva Swamin, Ananda Vardhana and Kallata.
The struggle between the Brahmans and other castes, such as Kayasthas, began during the reign of Shankara Varman. The authority of the Brahmans was broken and the sacred character of their citadels was violated. However, the Shaivite thought and philosophy flourished. Pradyumana Bhatta, Utpalacharya, Rama Kantha, Prajnarjuna, Lachaman Gupta and Mahadeva Bhatta have made a tremendous contribution to this philosophy. During the regime of Lohara dynasty, Kashmir came into contact with the Muslim invaders who attacked India. When Mahmud Ghazni annexed the Punjab, most of the tribes on the borders of Kashmir embraced Islam. At that time, the Valley was ruled by Sangram Raja (AD 1003-1028). Even after their conversion to Islam, these people continued to visit Kashmir – as traders, wanderers and even missionaries. There are historical evidences that some of these tribals settled in the Valley and made some venture into propagating their new religion.
Harsha (AD 1089-1101), was a man of extravagant habits and a jumble of contraries. He robbed the temple treasures and melt idols of gold and silver to tide over his financial crisis. Before him two other kings, Jalauka and Kalasa, employed the same approach of plundering the temples and melting the images of gold and silver to augment their depleted treasuries. Harsha also employed Muslim generals, who are called Turushkas by Kalhana, for the first time in the history of Kashmir. Now Muslims as a class appeared in the political field and began to consolidate its roots. Bhikshachara, a descendant of Harsha, organized a cavalry force mainly consisting of the Muslims. During the reign of Gopadeva (AD 1171-1180), the Brahmans consolidated their position. But the Lavanya tribe shattered their roots once again. The Damaras, Lavanyas and other tribes never allowed the Brahmans to monopolize. In the reign of Jassaka (AD 1180-1198), two Brahmans – Kshuksa and Bhima, endeavored to capture the throne. But it was the fear of Damaras or feudal lords that prevented them. Ramadeva (AD 1252-1273) humiliated those Brahmans who had helped him in his coronation. They conspired against him but could not succeed. A reign of terror, loot and plunder was let loose against them. Many Brahmans were killed and others crushed barbarously. This was the first direct assault against them in the history of Kashmir. To save themselves they cried “ Na Batoham” (I am not a Bhatta). The Kashmiri Pandits are even now taunted as Bhattas and Dalli Bhattas.
To counter the supremacy of the Brahmans, the rulers of Kashmir encouraged the influx of Muslims into the Valley. During the reign of Suhadeva (AD 1301-1320) many Muslim adventurers came to Kashmir. The chief among them was a Muslim missionary- Bulbul Shah. Two others were Shahmir from Swat and Rinchana from Tibet. Shahmir came in AD 1313 along with his numerous relations. Suhadeva granted him a jagir in a village near Baramulla. Ramachandra, the Prime Minister and Commander-in-Chief of Kashmir, employed Rinchana and granted him jagir in a village in the Lar Valley. These two adventurers were instrumental in the establishment of the Muslim rule in Kashmir. Another adventurer who received Suhadeva’s patronage was Lankar Chak.
Dulucha, a Tartar chief from Central Asia, invaded Kashmir with 60,000 strong horsemen. Suhadeva tried to induce him to retreat by paying him off a large sum of money. For this purpose he imposed heavy taxes even upon the Brahmans who had never before been taxed. But Dulucha refused to retreat and struck terror. He ravaged the Valley with fire and sword. Monstrous miseries were inflicted upon the people including the Brahmans. According to Baharistan – i -Shahi, “Dulucha and his soldiers killed everyone they could find . People who had fled to the hills and forests were pursued and captured. Men were killed, women and children were reduced to slavery and sold to the merchants of Khita (Turkistan), whom the invaders had brought with them. All the houses in the cities and the villages were burnt. The invaders ate as much of the corn and rice as they could . Whatever was left, they burnt and destroyed. In this way the whole of the Kashmir Valley was trampled under foot”. Suhadeva fled to Kishtwar, leaving the Kingdom to the cruel aggressors. Dulucha stayed here for eight months and took about 50,000 Brahmans with him as slaves. But all the troops and slaves perished while crossing the Devsar pass. It was a terrible experience for the legendary Kashmiri Pandits.
Dulucha went away from the Valley but left it haunted. The cursed people had lost all faith in their ruler- Suhadeva. Taking the advantage of the chaos and confusion, Rinchana- the refugee from Tibet, occupied the throne with the help of some chiefs . He killed his benefactor, Ramachandra, in the fort of Lar by treacherous means and married his daughter, Kota Rani.
Rinchana, a pseudo- Buddhist, wanted to get initiated into the Brahmanical fold to strengthen his political position. At that time, Shaivism was the most extensively practised religion in the Valley. So he called Sri Devaswami, the religious head of the Shaivas, to indoctrinate himself into the Hindu religion. Devaswami called a secret meeting of the prominent Pandits, who refused to accept Rinchana into Hinduism because of his low birth. Jonaraja says,” The King asked Devaswami to initiate him in the mantras of Shiva, but as he was Bhautta (Tibetian), Devaswami feared that the King was unworthy of such initiation and did not favour him”. This was a monstrous blunder on the part of Pandits, which turned the course of history. In fact, the Brahmans were not ready to share their privileges with an outsider. Thus deflected, Rinchana wanted to establish a uniform faith of warring sects and creeds in Kashmir with himself as its head. But Shahmir and Bulbul Shah manipulated his conversion to Islam. Ramachandra’s son, Ravanachandra, and many others also embraced Islam. A Muslim ruling class came into existence. In this way the Kashmiri Pandits were responsible for the destruction of their own ascendency and the ruin of their very existence. They are tremendously paying for it till today.
People of inferior origin and subordinate castes were attracted to Islam by gradual methods. This newly established Muslim class slowly consolidated its position and employed various methods to propagate the new faith. However, the Brahmans put a brave front and resisted the tide. After the death of Rinchana (AD 1326), Udyanadeva, the brother of Suhadeva, was installed on the throne of Kashmir and Shahmir was appointed as Commander-in-Chief.
Achala, a Turkish chief, invaded Kashmir during the reign of Udyanadeva, laying waste the territories he passed through. The king fled to Tibet. Kota Rani – the queen, faced the invader, procured his death and saved the kingdom. In this operation , Shahmir played the dominant role. Jonaraja says, “Strange that this believer in Allah became the saviour of the people. As a dried up river allows men to cross it and gives them shelter on its banks, even so this believer in Allah, calm and active, protected the terrified subjects.” Shahmir’s influence increased tremendously and he further strengthened his position by entering into matrimonial relations with the powerful nobles in Kashmir. A subversive struggle was born between the tolerant Hinduism and the militant Islam.
In AD 1339, after defeating Kota Rain by a foul strategem and procuring her death, Shahmir ascended the throne of Kashmir under the name of Sultan Shamas-ud-Din (The Light of the Religion – Islam). He got khutaba read and the coins struck to his name. Islam became the court religion. Shahmir became the legitimate author and architect of Muslim rule in Kashmir. With the establishment of the new regime Muslim missionaries, preachers, sayyids and saints penetrated into the Valley. Sayyid Jalal-ud-Din, Sayyid Taj-ud-Din, Sayyid Hussain Simnani, Sayyid Masud and Sayyid Yusuf came to Kashmir to avoid the intended massacre by Timur. Mir Sayyid Ali Hamadani (Shah Hamadan) entered Kashmir with 700 sayyids; and, his son, Mir Muhammad Hamadani, with 300 more. They endured in the Valley under royal protection and disseminated the message of Islam. Mir Sayyid Ali Hamadani (AD 1314-AD 1385) wrote in “ Zakhirat’ul Maluk ” :
1. Muslim ruler shall not allow fresh constructions of Hindu temples and shrines for image worship.
2. No repair shall be executed to the existing Hindu temples and shrines.
3. They shall not proffer Muslim names.
4. They shall not ride a harnessed horse.
5. They shall not move about with arms.
6. They shall not wear rings with diamonds.
7. They shall not deal in or eat bacon.
8. They shall not exhibit idolatrous images.
9. They shall not built houses in the neighbourhood of Muslims.
10. They shall not dispose of their dead in the neighbourhood of Muslim graveyards, nor weep or wail over their dead.
11. They shall not deal in or buy Muslim slaves.
12. No Muslim traveller shall be refused lodging in the Hindu temples and shrines where he shall be treated as a guest for three days by non-Muslims.
13. No non-Muslim shall act as a spy in the Muslim state.
14. No problem shall be created for those non-Muslims who, of their own will, show their readiness for Islam.
15. Non-Muslims shall honour Muslims and shall leave their assembly whenever the Muslims enter the premises.
16. The dress of non-Muslims shall be different from that of Muslims to distinguish themselves.
This naturally caused animosity among the Brahmans and resulted in frail rebellion during the reign of Shihab-ud-Din (AD 1354-1373). In order to break the upheaval among the Hindus and to make them prostrate, the Sultan turned his attention towards their temples. All the temples in Srinagar, including the one at Bijbehara, were wrecked to terrorize the poor Kashmiri Pandits. It seems that by this time, the sultans of Kashmir were perfectly islamized as a result of their contacts, interactions and intercourses with the sayyids. These sayyids came here as absconders in search of safe harbours, but manoeuvered the events for their own cause and fanatic iconoclastic zeal. The Hindus began to feel deserted and alienated in their own land. To consolidate their rule, sultans institutionalized the “policy of extermination” to eradicate all traces of Hinduism in any form. However, the Kashmiri Pandits stuck to their own religion and traditions, ignoring the atrocities, barbarism and cruelties of the privileged ruling class. But there were many from other castes who, either by conviction or in order to gain royal favour, embraced Islam. These new converts were looked down upon by the Kashmiri Pandits as traitorous and treacherous, with no loyalty for time-honored values. This gave rise to a new class rivalry. Suha Bhatt, who after embracing Islam took the name of Saif-ud-Din, became the leader of the fresh converts during the reign of Sikandar (AD 1389-1413).
Sikandar- the Butshikan, was bigoted with fanatic religious zeal to spread Islam in the entire Valley. This fanaticism was stimulated by Mir Muhammad Hamadani. Suha Bhatt – the convert, was appointed Prime Minister by Sikandar and both hatched a deadly conspiracy to persecute the Hindus and enforce upon the Nizam-i-Mustaffa. Jonaraja says, “ The Sultan forgot his kingly duties and took delight day and night in breaking images … He broke images of Martanda, Vishaya, Ishana, Chakrabrit and Tripureshvara …… There was no city, no town, no village, no wood where Turushka left the temples of the gods unbroken.” According to Hassan (History of Kashmir), “ This country possessed from the times of Hindu rajas many temples which were like the wonders of the world. Their workmanship was so fine and delicate that one found himself bewildered at their sight. Sikandar, goaded by feelings of bigotry, destroyed them and levelled them with the earth and with the material built many mosques and khanqahs. In the first instance he turned his attention towards the great Martand temple built by Ramdev (the temple was rebuilt by King Lalitaditya, AD 724-760) on Mattan Kareva. For one year he tried to demolish it, but failed. At last in sheer dismay, he dug out stones from its base and having stored enough wood in their place, set fire to it. The gold gilt paintings on its walls were totally destroyed and the walls surrounding its premises were demolished. Its ruins even now strike wonder in men’s minds. At Bijbehara, three hundred temples including the famous Vijiveshwara temple, which was partly damaged by Shihab-ud-Din, were destroyed. With the material of Vijiveshwara temple, a mosque was built and on its site a khanqah, which is even now known as Vijiveshwara Khanqah.” The stones and bricks which once configurated a marvelous and splendid temple or monastery, now hold up mosques. Hassan further adds, “ Sikandar meted out greatest oppression to the Hindus. It was notified in the Valley that if a Hindu does not become a Muslim, he must leave the country or be killed. As a result some of the Hindus fled away, some accepted Islam and many Brahmans consented to be killed and gave their lives. It is said that Sikandar collected, by these methods, six maunds of sacred thread form Hindu converts and burnt them. Mir Muhammad Hamadani, who was a witness of all this vicious brutality, barbarism and vandalism, at last advised him to desist from the slaughter of Brahmans and told him to impose jazia (religious tax) instead of death upon them. All the Hindu books of learning were collected and thrown into Dal Lake and were buried beneath stones and earth.” Sikandar issued orders that no man should wear the tilak mark on his forehead and no woman be allowed to perform sati. He also insisted on breaking and melting of all the gold and silver idols of gods and coin the metal into money. An attempt was made to destroy the caste of the Aryan Saraswat Brahmans by force and those who resisted were subject to heavy fines. Farishta says, “ Many of the Brahmans, rather than abandon their religion or their county, poisoned themselves; some emigrated from their native homes, while a few escaped the evil of banishment by becoming Muhammedans”. To strictly enforce the Nizam-i-Mustaffa, Sikandar established the office of Shaikh-ul-Islam.
According to W.R. Lawrence, the Aryan Saraswat Brahmans of Kashmir were given three choices-death, conversion or exile. “Many fled, many were converted and many were killed, and it is said that this thorough monarch (Sikandar) burnt seven maunds of sacred threads of the murdered Brahmans”. As for the statements of Hassan and Lawrence, six maunds of sacred threads of converts and seven maunds of murdered Pandits were burnt. The number of people, to whom these thirteen maunds of sacred threads belonged, might have been tremendously colossal. A mammoth number of the Saraswat Pandits also went into exile, causing the first disastrous mass exodus of the community. When Suha Bhatt- the convert, came to know that many Brahmans were leaving Kashmir, he tried to check their exodus and ordered the frontier guards not to allow any one to cross the borders. The unfortunate Pandits caught while crossing the border were awarded severe punishments. Even the converts were required to pay jazia as they were suspected of secretly clinging to their old religion.
Not only Sikandar- the Butshikan, but Suha Bhatta – the convert, also was responsible for this barbarous, murderous and cruel approach towards the mythical Kashmiri Pandits. Jonaraja says, “ Suha Bhatta- the convert, after demolishing the temples felt the satisfaction, and with the help of sayyids, ulema and newly converts tried to destroy the caste of the people… the illustrious Brahmans declared that they would die rather than lose their caste and religion, and Suha Bhatta – the convert, subjected them to a heavy fine, jazia, because they held to their caste and religion.” There is no parallel of this religious persecution in the history of the subcontinent.
Ali Shah – the tyrant (AD 1413-1430), son of Sikandar- the Butshikan, during his short rule of six years, carried on his father’s 24-year tyrant reign with homicides, conversions, tyranny and enforced jazia. Suha Bhatta – the convert, who retained the prime ministership continued his earlier crimes and atrocities against the Kashmiri Pandits. Jonaraja gives a graphic account of the plight of the illustrious Kashmiri Pandits in the draconian reign of Ali Shah. He says,” Suha Bhatta- the convert, passed the limit by levying fine, jazia, on the twice – born. This evil-minded man forbade ceremonies and processions on the new moon. He became envious that the Brahmans who had become fearless would keep up their caste by going over to foreign countries, he therefore ordered posting of squads on the roads, not to allow passage to any one without a passport. Then as the fisherman torments fish, so this low born man tormented the twice-born in this country. The legendary Brahmans burnt themselves in the flaming fire through fear of conversion. Some Brahmans killed themselves by taking poison, some by the rope and others by drowning themselves. Others again by falling from a precipice. The country was contaminated by hatred and the king’s favourites could not prevent one in a thousand from committing suicide …. A multitude of celebrated Brahmans, who prided in their caste, fled from the country through bye-roads as the main roads were closed. Even as men depart from this world, so did the Aryan Saraswat Brahmans of Kashmir flee to foreign countries. The difficult countries through which they passed, the scanty food, painful illness and the torments of hell during life time removed from the minds of the Kashmiri Pandits the fears of hell. Oppressed by various calamities such as encounter with the enemy, fear of snakes, fierce heat and scanty food; many Brahmans perished on the way and thus obtained salvation.” This was the second miserable mass exodus of the Kashmiri Pandits. Jonaraja calls it “ Chandh-Dandh” – violent, cruel, brutal and horrible punishment, for the abandoned and vulnerable Saraswat Brahmans of Kashmir. History repeated itself again in AD 1989-1990.
The brutal religious persecution of the Kashmiri Pandits has been borne testimony to by almost all the Muslim historians. Hassan, Fauq and Nizam – ud – Din have condemned these excesses in unscathing terms. It was the reign of terror and homicide. The majority of the Hindus were converted forcibly and a large number had left the Valley. Yet many more were passing their days in the most deplorable conditions only on payment of jazia. The allowances of the Brahman academicians were stopped to destroy the ancient learning, literature, education, art and culture. These enlightened intellectuals had to move from door to door for food, like dogs. One can’t imagine a higher level of mental torture!
The Brahmans, even after paying jazia, could not openly declare themselves as Hindus nor could they apply tilak on their foreheads. Neither could they pray in their temples or perform any religious ceremony. Even then they did not forget their past and rich tradition. As the custodians of their extraordinary cultural heritage, they wrote the illuminating treatises on the stupendous Kashmir Shaivism, colossal literature, splendid art, marvelous music, grammar and medicine.
Sultan Zainul Abidin-the Budshah (Great Monarch), ruled Kashmir from AD 1420 to 1460. The son of Sultan Sikandar – the Butshikan, and the brother of Sultan Ali Shah- the tyrant, Zainul Abidin followed the policy of tolerance, endurance, patience, sympathy and broad mindedness. He recalled the Kashmiri Pandits who had left the Valley during the rule of Sikandar and Ali Shah. Jazia was abolished and the Brahmans were given their earlier positions in administration. Demolished temples were rebuilt and new ones constructed. Two temples were built by Zainul Abidin at Ishbar, Srinagar. The Sultan also participated in the Hindu festivals. A large number of houses were built for the widows of the Brahmans who had suffered during the reign of terror. Zainul Abidin stopped the killing of cows, restricted the eating of beef and catching of fish in the sacred springs of the Hindus. Even the personal law as laid down in the Shastras was adopted for the Hindus. The legenday Kashmiri Pandits were resurrected and resuscitated. Ferguson observes that indeed history has very few examples where the policy of a father was so completely reversed by the son. Even the Mughal monarch, Akbar – the great , capitalized on the religious policy of Zainul Abidin. But the conservative and dogmatic Muslims reacted very sharply to this policy of toleration and mutual coexistence . According to Mulla Bahauddin, “ The Sultan reimported practices of infidels which had once become extinct”.
But the honey-moon of the Kashmiri Pandits proved very brief. During the reign of Haider Shah (AD 1470-1472) – the prodigal son of the great Zainul Abidin, Kashmiri Pandits once again suffered tremendously. Under the evil influence of Purni- the Hindu barber, Haider Shah adopted various corrupt and cruel practices against the Saraswat Brahmans. The repression was so terrible that the tolerant Pandits lost their cool. Hassan says, “ the patience of the Pandits having reached the breaking point, they rose in a body and set fire to some mosques which were built with the material of the Hindu temples once demolished by Sikandar. The rising was quelled by the sword; many more Pandits were drowned in rivers; and, loot and plunder was practiced with unbridled licence.” Srivara also illustrates the cruel and inhuman treatment given to the mythical Kashmiri Saraswat Brahmans, “ many Pandits struggled and threw themselves in river Vitasta to be drowned there. The arms and noses of many people were cut off, even of those Brahmans who were king’s servants.” Ravage and arson of the sacred places continued during the indifferent rule of Hassan Khan (AD 1476-1487), when the real authority was with the gang of three persons- Shams Chak, Shringhar Raina and Musa Raina. The pressure exerted on the illustrious Kashmiri Pandits was so barbarous that, in order to save themselves from merciless brutality, some of them gave up their caste and screamed – “ I am not a Bhatta, I am not a Bhatta” ( I am not a Hindu). They went in strict seclusion to avoid any argument or controversy.
Mir Shams-ud-Din Iraqi, who visited the Saffron Valley twice in AD 1477 and 1496, was the founder of Nurbakhshiya order (Shia sect) in Kashmir. His mission was the vigorous propagation of his faith. So, not contented with peaceful preachings, violent methods were employed. In this adventure , Iraqi was helped by the homicidal creature and most dreaded tyrant- Malik Musa Raina, a convertee, whose original name was Soma Chandra. Not only the poor vulnerable Brahmans, but the Sunni Muslims were also violently converted to Shia sect by murderous techniques. This dogmatic fanaticism even crippled the Sunni ruler of Kashmir, Fateh Shah (AD 1510-1517). A khanqah was built at Zadibal (Srinagar) by Iraqi, which became the nucleus of Shia concentration.
Kashmiri Pandits suffered ferociously under the instructions of Shams-ud-Din Iraqi and Musa Raina. About 24,000 of them were forcibly converted to Shia sect of Islam. Iraqi had even issued orders that everyday about 1500 to 2000 Brahmans be brought to his doorsteps, remove their sacred threads, administer Kalima to them, circumcise them and make them eat beef. These decrees were ferociously and brutally carried out. The Hindu religious scriptures from 7th century AD onwards and about 18 magnificent temples were destroyed, property confiscated and ladies abused. Thousands of Brahmans killed themselves to evade this horrific barbarism and thousands migrated to other places, resulting in their third tragic mass exodus from the Saffron Valley of Kashmir. Those who stayed behind were not only forced to pay jazia, but their noses and ears were chopped off. To escape the tremendous pain and agony, they cried. “I am not a Hindu.” After Kashmir , the next destination of Iraqi for war against so-called infidelity was Kargil. It is now a Shia –dominated area and there are frequent sectarian clashes between them and the Buddhists.
In AD 1519, about ten thousand Kashmiri Pandits died during pilgrimage to Harmukh Ganga, where they had gone to immerse the ashes of those eight hundred Hindus who had been massacred during Ashura a year before. Poet-historian Suka says about this cataclysm, “ Ganga was oppressed with hunger, as it was after a long time that she had devoured bones; she surely devoured the men also who carried the bones.” It was after a gap of many years that the people were allowed to go on a pilgrimage to Harmukh lake, which ended in the most devastating tragedy.
Qazi Chak, the founder of Chak rule in Kashmir (AD 1553-1586), carried on ferocious religious policy and made conversion of many Hindus to Shia sect of Islam. According to Suka, one thousand cows were used to be killed everyday without any opposition under the orders of the Chak rulers, who were Shias, just to injure the religious sentiments of the Kashmiri Pandits. These celebrated and highly educated Aryan Saraswat Brahmans were made the objects of laughter and reproach. They were publically taunted, abused and humiliated. The last Chak ruler, Yaqub Chak, had a bigoted zeal for the propagation of Shia sect and planned mass conversion of the Hindus. However, he could not administer his criminal designs because of the Mughal annexation.
Akbar was tremendously influenced by the amazing moral supremacy of the Kashmiri Pandits. Abul Fazl records in Ain-i-Akbari, “ the most respectable class in this country (Kashmir) is that of the Pandits, who, notwithstanding their need for freedom from the bonds of tradition and custom, are the true worshippers of God. They do not loosen their tongue of calumny against those not of their faith, nor beg, nor importune. They employ themselves in planting fruit trees and are generally a source of inspiration for others”. The great Mughal Emperor abolished jazia and other unjust taxes imposed upon the Hindus. He also evinced great interest in the rehabilitation of the Pandits. Suka says, “ The Emperor announced that he would without delay reward those who would respect the Brahmans in Kashmir and that he would instantly pull down the houses of those who would demand the annual tribute from them.” The greatness of Akbar lies in his magnificent and fascinating policy of religious tolerance. Jahangir and Shah Jahan were not so tolerant. But their religious enthusiasm cannot be termed as fanatic. During this period, the Brahmans could perform their religious ceremonies after paying some tribute. But the whole scenario changed with the accession of Aurangzeb to the throne. With his bigoted fanatic and dogmatic approach, the Kashmiri Pandits were once again made vulnerable. Iftkar Khan, the Mughal governor of Kashmir during the reign of Aurangzeb, brutally tyrannized over the Brahmans to such an extent that they approached Guru Teg Bhahadur, the ninth Sikh Guru, at Anandpur in Punjab and solicited his personal intervention with the Emperor. This ultimately led to the Guru’s martyrdom and made Guru Gobid Singh to create the Khalsa to fight the oppressors . Muzaffer Khan, Nassar Khan and Ibrahim Khan were other governors of Aurangzeb who ferociously terrorized the Kashmiri Pandits. These celebrated scapegoats were once again forced to migrate from the land of their origin. It was the fourth disastrous mass exodus of the Aryan Saraswat Brahmans from Kashmir.
During the rule of later Mughals, Kashmir witnessed the outbreak of the worst kind of religious intolerance. In AD 1720, Mullah Abdul Nabi, also called Muhat Khan, a non-resident Kashmiri Muslim, was appointed as Shaikhul Islam . In order to assert his religious authority, he asked the Deputy Governor, Mir Ahmed Khan , to start a campaign of persecution of the Kafirs (infidels) – as the Kashmiri Pandits were called. In order to satisfy his satanic ego, the Mulla issued six commandments:

1. No Hindu should ride a horse, nor should a Hindu wear a shoe;
2. That they should not wear Jama (Mughal costume);
3. That they should move bare arms;
4. That they should not visit any garden;
5. That they should not have tilak mark on their foreheads;
6. That their children should not receive any education.

But Ahmed Khan refused to execute the mischievous decree. The Mullah then excited his followers against the Kashmiri Pandits. He established his seat in a mosque, assumed the duties of the administrator under the title of Dindar Khan and let loose the reign of terror. The Hindus were wickedly tormented, their houses burnt and property looted. Hundreds of Brahmans were killed, prostrated, maimed and humiliated. They began to run away in large numbers and hide themselves in mountainous terrain. This was the fifth dreadful mass exodus of the legendary Kashmiri Pandits from their mystic motherland. Those who remained behind lived in the most horrific and terrible conditions generated by the Mullah and his gang. But soon he was assassinated by his rivals and his son, Sharif-ud-Din, become the new Shaikhul-Islam. The son improved upon the brutal methods of his father and inflicted most barbaric, cruel and inhuman tortures upon the vulnerable Brahmans. The plight of the Kashmiri Pandits during this period became tremendously miserable and tragic.
The Afghan rule in Kashmir (AD 1753-1819) was a period of cruelty, homicide and anarchy. W.R. Lawrence calls it the “reign of brutal tyranny.” The barbarous Afghans employed every wild, inhuman, primitive, ferocious, cruel and brutal method to suppress the Kashmiri Brahmans. A pitcher filled with ordure was placed on the head of a Pandit and stones were pelt on it, till it broke and the unfortunate Brahman become wet with filth. Their brutality and atrocity crossed the extreme limits when Hindus were tied up in grass sacks, two and two, and drowned in the Dal Lake. The victimized Hindu were forced to flee the country or were killed or converted to Islam. There was horrible mass exodus of the Kashmiri Pandits, sixth one, to far away places like Delhi, Allahabad, etc. Many covered the long distances on foot.
Hindu parents destroyed the beauty of their daughters by shaving their heads or cutting their noses and ears to save them from degradation. Any Muslim could jump on the back of a Pandit and take a ride. Mir Hazar – an Afghan governor, used leather bags instead of grass sacks for the drowning of Brahmans. Turbans and shoes were forbidden for them. The Saraswat Brahmans of Kashmir were also forced to grow beards and tilak was interdicted. The Afghans are now only remembered for their barbarity, brutality, ferocity, tyranny and cruelty. They thought no more of cutting of heads than of plucking a flower.
The Shahmirs, Chaks, Mughals and homicidal Afghans tore the fabric of society in Kashmir and left deep scars on it. When the Afghan oppression became intolerable, the Pandits turned with hope to the rising power of Maharaja Ranjit Singh. But they were suspected. The Afghan governor, Azim Khan, confiscated their jagirs and imposed jazia on them. Eminent Pandits were brutally killed, humiliated and their authority was snatched. Nur Shah Diwani – a cruel Muslim official who was in charge of revenue collection, hatched a conspiracy in league with Azim Khan to eliminate the distinguished Kashmiri Brahmans. But this evil manoeuvre was exposed and a galaxy of Pandits saved. Pandit Sahajram, the Diwan, played a prominent role in the rescue operation.
Azim Khan had appointed Sukhram Safaya, Mirza Pandit and Birbal Dhar as revenue collectors. Birbal Dhar could not collect the required amount due to failure of crops. The atrocious Afghan governor browbeated Pandit Birbal to make the payment of one lac rupees. Rowdy and boisterous soldiers were send to threaten him and other Pandits. Sensing the Afghan tsunami, distinguished Kashmiri Pandits called a backstairs meeting in which it was resolved to invite Ranjit Singh for the conquest of Kashmir and salvation of the Aryan Saraswat Brahmans. Accordingly Birbal Dhar and his minor son, Raja Kak Dhar, secretly left for Lahore with a petition signed by the prominent Kashmiri Pandits through which as invitation was extended to Ranjit Singh to take over the Valley. When Azim Khan came to know about these developments, he sent his soldiers to nab Birbal Dhar and teach him a lesson. But when these bandits met with no success, the cruel governor turned his guns towards the wife and daughter-in-law of Birbal Dhar . Both the ladies had taken shelter in the house of a trustworthy Muslim, Qadus Gojwari. Azim Khan asked Pandit Basa Kak to hunt down the innocent ladies. Basa Kak knew about the retreat of ladies but did not disclose it even after monstrous tortures and oppressive penalties. At last his abdomen was ripped open in the most barbarous manner and the dead body discredited – the most unfortunate and brutal crime against humanity in the civilized world. The poor ladies were also captured . Birbal Dhar’s wife committed suicide by swallowing a piece of diamond. The younger lady was violently converted to Islam and handed over to an Afghan noble, who carried her to Kabul.
Nervous to the marrow of his bones and crazy with rage, Azim Khan tormented all those Kashmiri Brahmans whom he suspected to be in league with Birbal Dhar. Prominent Pandits were detained in a concentration camp at Nishat Garden and ferociously tortured. But on learning about the Sikh advances towards Kashmir, he lost all nerve and solicited instruction from Pandit Sahajram Dhar. The illustrious Pandit advised him to sent off his ladies folk to Kabul. It was the only way to save them from the ignominious treatment. Sahajram himself escorted the ladies to Kabul and saved them from disastrous shame. Azim Khan himself ran away from the Valley, leaving the administration into the hands of his brother, Jabbar Khan. However, atrocious Afghans were crushed and the Sikhs annexed Kashmir. Some extremist Sikhs, including Phul Singh, endeavoured to knock down the mosque of Shah Hamadan. But celebrated Birbal Dhar, at a considerable risk to his own life, made them desist from this action. According to GMD Sufi, “ It is to the lasting credit of Birbal Dhar that when a deputation of Muslims headed by Sayyid Hasan Shah Qadiri Khanyari approached him to dissuade the Sikhs from the destruction of the Khanqah, he moved in the matter, used his influence and saved this historical structure from vandalism.” It reveals the true personality and character of a distinguished Kashmiri Pandit.
During the Sikh rule in Kashmir, AD 1819-1846, the celebrated Pandits reclaimed their past glory and magnificence. They claimed back the prominent places of trust and honour. Cow slaughter was banned, temples renovated and the earlier wrongs rectified. The legendary Kashmiri Pandits received a healing touch after centuries of barbarity, ferocity and tyranny. But by the time, the Sikhs conquered Kashmir in AD 1819, about nine-tenths of the population had become the followers of Islam. Out of the 10% Hindu population, a large number had migrated to the Punjab and other provinces. The Pandits in general belonged to the middle class while the upper and lower classes were dominated by the Muslims.
With the formation of Jammu and Kashmir State; and, establishment of the Dogra rule in 1846, Kashmiri Pandits were imperceptibly elbowed to the background. Administrators and officials were deputed from Jammu region. Though they enjoyed comprehensive religious freedom and social emancipation, political rights of the Kashmiri Brahmans were confined. On certain occasions, they even became victims of intrigue and suspicions. The vicious communal forces also turned their wrath against them. During the communal disturbances of July 1931, shops and houses belonging to the Kashmiri Brahmans were not only looted but also burnt. Three innocent Hindus lost their lives. This communalism in the state politics aggravated and magnified with the passage of time . It was fed for years with vicious communal propaganda and brainwashing.
After independence and accession of Jammu & Kashmir state to India, Kashmiri Pandits were pushed back to the barbarous Afghan era. They were given the sugarcoated dozes of poisonous toxics. Article 370 of Indian constitution just reduced them to cipher and liquidated their population. Under the pretext of economic reforms, their jagirs were confiscated and distributed among the Muslim peasants. The administration of Shaikh Abdullah adopted malicious and pernicious approach towards the Saraswat Brahmans of Kashmir. They were taunted on one excuse or the other. Hindu temples were desecrated, looted and plundered. Minor girls of the community were forced to embrace Islam and marry the Muslim youth.
Shaikh Abdullah tried to create “ Shaikhdom” for his dynastic rule in Kashmir. But his dreams were shattered when he was arrested in 1953 for anti-national activities. In 1958, he was released but detained again after three months under the Kashmir conspiracy case. However, the case was withdrawn in 1964 because of political reasons. But he was arrested again in May 1965 for his subversive activities and released in January 1968. Again, in January 1971, a ban was imposed forbidding him to enter the Jammu Kashmir state. This restriction was lifted in 1972.
During 1953-1974 Shaikh Abdullah characterized India as an imperialist power endeavouring to subjugate the people of Kashmir. He asserted that the accession of Kashmir with India was his greatest blunder for which history will never forgive him. He also demanded the right of self determination for the people of Muslim – dominated Kashmir, but ignored the Hindu- dominated Jammu and Buddhist- dominated Ladakh regions. The sophist Shaikh advocated plebiscite and unconditional withdrawal of Indian army from the Saffron Valley. He also campaigned against the import of food grains from India and asked people to eat potatoes grown in Kashmir. For such arguments, Shaikh Abdullah was nick named as “Aaloo Bab” — Feeder of Potatoes. He made emotional solicitations that after death his body should not be buried in the subjugated Valley, but immersed into the sacred waters of Arabian sea. However, today his magnificent tomb stands on the banks of beautiful Dal Lake in Srinagar and is guarded by the Indian security personnel. By such gratuitous and conflicting statement, his secular credentials evaporated into thin air. The prospect of disloyalty and sedition began to haunt the Saffron Valley. Kashmiriyat switched over to political vandalism and bigoted fundamentalism. Shaikh Abdullah desperately held Indian Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, a Kashmiri Pandit, responsible for the shattering of his malevolent dreams in 1953. The mortified Shaikh ambiguously decided to retaliate against the whole Pandit community in Kashmir. In vindictiveness, he instigated his associated that while making a choice between a Kashmiri Pandit and dreaded cobra, kill the Pandit first. A vicious campaign of terror was launched against the Aryan Saraswat Brahmans of Kashmir. They were refused entry to government jobs and institutions of higher learning. Besides hurling strong statement against the Government of India and Kashmiri Pandits, the Shaikh derided that the whole lot of Indian army cannot save the Hindus in Kashmir against the malevolence of Muslims. Farooq Abdullah also employed the same approach towards the crumbled Pandits when his brother-in-law, Gulshah, seized the chief ministership in 1984.The reactionary leaders- Afzal Beg, Maulvi Farooq, Mohi-ud-Din Kara and Maulana Masoodi; ignored the very existence of Kashmiri Pandits during their political adventurism. The Kashmiri Pandits were made to pay for every move on the political chessboard in Kashmir because they represented the pseudo-secularism, incognito- socialism and flowering- democracy of India. They were scolded and emotionally hurt in the Afghan fashion.
But then the whole political scenario in Kashmir took a dramatic turn in 1974, when Indira-Shaikh accord was signed by virtue of which the Shaikh became the Chief Minister of the State after the lapse of 22 years. Ignoring the great expectations he had created among the people in Kashmir and his vigorous campaign for plebiscite, the sophist Shaikh began to speak the language of Indian nationalism, democracy, socialism and secularism. The slogans of plebiscite, self-determination and independent Kashmir melted away. But the Hate- India virus, infused by him into the blood of the Muslim youth in Kashmir, was exploited by other corrupt self-styled politicians for their own interests from time to time. A vacuum was created because the people were betrayed disillusioned, politically raped and left in wilderness by their own leaders.
Omkarnath Ganjoo, who established the Index Branch of the Jammu & Kashmir Criminal Investigation Department under the directions of Union Home Ministry in early 1960 and managed the same upto 1986, established a powerful network in the State. He collected detailed information about the seditious, subversive and treasonous persons and sent the detailed dispatches to the government from time to time . He also excavated the nefarious designs of ISI- the Pak Intelligence Agency, and informed the concerned authorities. But the state as well as the central administration lacked the determination and resolution to act.
The programmes and policies of Bakshi, Sadiq, Qasim, Farooq and Gulshah were also damaging for the Kashmiri Pandits. They were continuously haunted by antagonistic, hostile and rebellious elements. Mufti Syed is even believed to be responsible for the anti-Hindu communal riots of 1986, when cows were slaughtered and temples destroyed in Anantnag district. From 1947-1986 about four lac Kashmiri Pandits silently migrated from Kashmir. Hypocritical atrocities and criminal ignorances of political leaders were responsible for these development. Pakistan, to avenge the defeat of Bangladesh, blatantly sponsored the violence and terrorism in the Valley, resulting in the turmoil of 1989-90. The then celebrated governor of Jammu and Kashmir, Jagmohan, wrote a detailed letter to the former Prime Minister, Rajiv Gandhi , on April 21,1990, endorsing the alarming signals earliest transmitted by discerning Omkarnath Ganjoo. But cowardly Indian leadership was still unconcerned.

“Aay Zalimu, Aay Kafiroo,
Kashmir Hamara Choudh Dou”

“Bharat Kay Aiwanu Ko
Aag Lagado, Aag Lagado”

The final assault on the Kashmiri Pandits started with these slogans. Barbarous terrorists from Pakistan, Afghanistan, Turkey, Sudan and even Saudi Arabia penetrated into the Saffron Valley. Brutal, wild and barbarous techniques were employed to hound and kill the Aryan Saraswat Brahmans of Kashmir. Even the helpless ladies were not spared. Sarla Bhat, a nurse in Soura Medical Institute, was abducted on 19th April, 1990, by JKLF militants who repeatedly gang-raped her and eventually killed her on 25th April. Girja Tikoo, a teacher from Bandipur, was kidnapped, raped and eventually shred to pieces by a saw mill on 4th June, 1990. Bimla Braroo from the Nai Sarak, Srinagar, who along with her daughter, Archana, was raped in the presence of her husband, Sohanlal, before all the three were killed on 31st March, 1992. There are dozens of such brutal instances. Even wicked Afghans will be feeling sorry in their graves for the sanatic holocaust of the legendary Kashmiri Pandits.
The barbarous murder of hundreds of innocent Brahmans of Kashmir caused their seventh and final agonizing mass exodus from the Valley. This was the final knock down of ethnic cleansing and genocide of the Kashmiri Pandits. The mass massacres at Sangrampora (1997), Udhampore (1997), Prankot (1998), Wandhama (1998) and Nadimarg (2003) were the follow up cleansing operations. Pandits in Kashmir dwindled from 10% in 1947 to fewer than 5% in 1989 and to less than 1% today. The pretended world bodies, contaminated human rights organizations, pseudo-secularists, self-styled leaders, so-called policy makers, tainted political parties and slack bureaucracy have failed to express serious concern at this great human tragedy. Danse macabre is going on. During 1990-2005, the security forces seized around 30,000 assault rifles, over 15,000 pistols, more than 20,000 kg explosives, about 2000 UMGs and RPGs , from terrorists. In the barbarous turmoil about 45,000 persons including the Kashmiri Pandits, nationalistic Muslims and Sikhs have been killed. However the government is keen to provide a healing touch to militants. But the legendary Kashmiri Pandits, who were virtually exterminated from the Valley, have not even received the displaced status..

By: Dr.Satish Ganjoo

We will one day regain homeland: Kashmiri Pandits

In kashmir on April 13, 2009 at 11:07

We will one day regain homeland: Kashmiri Pandits
Jammu, April 12
The Kashmiri Pandit (KP) community in exile for the past 19 years today adopted a declaration seeking dignified return and “Union territory of Panun Kashmir” within the Kashmir division at the 3rd World Kashmiri Pandit conference, which came to a close at Jammu University today.

“Today, tomorrow, someday, we shall regain homeland one day,” this was the optimism exhibited by the community, especially youths. The KPs assembled at the jam-packed Zorawar Singh Auditorium showered praise upon people of Jammu for giving them “shelter” after their mass exodus from the valley.

“Vitasta (Jehlum river) flows in the valley of our souls, in our sub-conscious mind, we see the splendor of Shankaracharya temples in the reflection of Dal Lake, writers like Habba Khatoon and Rehmaan Rahi keep on haunting us….in our dreams we revisit the lanes and bylanes of the ruined cultural civilisation,” said head of Hindi department, MS University, Baroda, Shailja Bhardwaj.

Dr Shailja was speaking during the first session; KP Women: Challenges in Exile.

Coming down heavily upon extremists in the valley, she asked the Muslim youth not to fall prey to evil designs of separatists. She urged them to redirect their minds towards the era of modernisation from religious bigotry.

Sikh cleric, Sant Mehar Singh and MLA, Ashok Khajuria in their formal addresses extended all support to the community.

Younger generation presented cultural extravaganza on the occasion. The youth also shared their experiences of being away from their roots, collective problems and viable solutions in the second session: KP Youth in Exile- Challenges Galore.

In the third session a documentary film, “Journey to homeland” by Roots in Kashmir was screened.

Ashutosh Sharma
Tribune News Service

Speakers at World Conference lambast Govt for plight of KPs

In kashmir on April 12, 2009 at 07:23

Speakers at World Conference lambast Govt for plight of KPs

Excelsior Correspondent

JAMMU, Apr 11: Terming the mass exodus of Kashmiri Pandits from Valley as painful, the speakers in 3rd Kashmiri Pandit World Conference turned tables on Government for watching this tragedy as a mute spectator.

While renowned film star Anupam Kher who was the chief guest in the first session of the conference urged the members of Kashmiri Pandit community that instead of holding seminars and debates, it is now time to do something practical for solving their problems.

He urged the community to fight the problem on political front by participating in elections while expressing his concern that not a single Kashmiri Pandit has won the election. “It is important to have your say in politics to fight the system,” he added. Mr Kher, while expressing his grave concern and anguish over the plight of the Pandits said “let us become warriors instead of worriers.”He, while complimenting Jammu people for adopting the displaced Pandits said the community should be ready for an “Andolan” now as nothing has emerged from our long patience of 20 years.

He asked the KPs to launch a decisive struggle by remembering the Mantra that “any thing can happen at any time”.

He also urged the displaced community to join hands for fulfilling the dreams and said that he was pained to see the house in which he used to spend two months in Summer at Karannagar, Srinagar 20 years back has been in possession of CRPF and the houses of Kashmir Pandits on Pahalgam route deserted during his last year’s visit to Srinagar.

Parliament Member and veteran journalist, Chandan Mitra, said the nation has not forgotten the sufferings and pain of KPs.

He said “till Pandits don’t return with security and honour we have no right to call our selves as Indian”. The Pandits are fighting a war for self-esteem and respect and they have become refugees in their own country but till date justice has not been dispensated to them. “It is our duty to find a solution to their problems”, he added.

He urged the community to continue to raise their voice so that the next Government keeps their permanent rehabilitation in its agenda.

He said hounding out KPs from Valley was the first attack to dismember India and it is also a conspiracy to grab Indian territory.

Former D G BSF, Prakash Singh said that four blunders done by India are responsible for present turmoil. First in 1962 when China annexed Indian territory and “we accepted the control of China over Tibet,” second in 1971 after liberation of Bangladesh, India failed to resolve Kashmir, third was 1984 anti Sikh riots and fourth was KPs exodus in 1989-90.

He accused the media and mainstream political parties for playing negative role on this issue. “We have all resources at our disposal for a powerful nation but the reins of Government are in weak hands”,he added.

Congress leader Ashok Bhan said KPs have faced atrocities since 1931 when first uprising took place in Kashmir. He said the community which has 5000 year old history should have slogan “awake, arise and strike to go to homeland”.

He said if the community fails to achieve this goal “our next generation will continue strike for the same”.

Vivek Kumar an educationist from HP lamented on pitible conditions of India which was once Vishaw Guru . He, while asking people to fight out the nation’s detractors who are hell bent to bleed India, warned that next generations will not spare us if we fail to strike back.

Raj Kumar Tyagi, president Akhil Bharatiya Bram Rishi Maha Sangh, said it is not a battle of Kashmiri Pandits alone but of entire nation.

He stressed on taking to arms against the enemies of nation and justified it.

In his key note address Dr Agnishekhar highlighted the plight of displaced KPs and gave a background of holding this conference.

Earlier, ASKPC chief A N Vaishnavi, Mohinder Singh Bitta, B L Bhat representative KOA,T N Ganjoo and T N Tickoo were given away the Sharda Samman. The awards were presented to them by Nirmala Pandit a spiritual saint. Besides J N Koul was also given this award posthumously. Gokal Dembi’s paintings on three KP icons Shriya Bhat, Kripa Ram and Birbal Dhar were released. In addition to this a cassette of Deepali Wattal, Kuldeep Sapru and Vishal Gupta ——a tribute to Amarnath martyrs was also released.

A film by J K Bezan and Asha Zaroo on language of Satisar, calendar of Shivlingam by Navreh Foundation, P K calendar and book of Dr Ved Kumari Ghai was also released.

A special session was held on discrimination to which Jammu and Ladakh regions have been subjected to. The speakers in this session were Dr Jitendra Singh, renowned diabetologist, Ram Sahai, president Chamber of Commerce, B S Slathia ex president of Bar Association, Raj Kumar Dogra a famous musician and K K Pangotra.

Imaginary homes turn real for Kashmiri Pandits

In kashmir on January 24, 2009 at 10:13

Imaginary homes turn real for Kashmiri Pandits Born to wander and suffer (as some would say) for the last six centuries at least, and yet retain that healthy appetite for life, the Kashmiri Pandits are that rare breed that has effortlessly converted survival into an art form. To celebrate amidst deprivation and to sink roots and flower forth in alien environs seems to their special talent that has made them simultaneously the object of admiration as well as envy.And so it goes with the 500-strong community of Kashmiri Pandits in the city, who have settled here since the early Nineties.What sets them apart is this very special bond of togetherness that glues them in good times and bad. Although they like to describe themselves proudly as ‘‘the purest Aryan race’’, their past history of displacement, migrancy and homelessness, made all the more poignant by more than a decade of militancy in the Valley, suggests history’s f a v o u r e d metaphor of the ‘‘Wandering Jew.’’A look at the history reveals that Kashmiri Pandits were the original inhabitants of Kashmir. It was only when Buddhist king Rinchen took over the throne in the 7th century, some of them were displaced.Later in the 14 century, Sultan Sikander initiated the exodus of Pandits from Kashmir. But despite the unfriendly conditions, the pandits still continued to retain conspicuous hold on Kashmir for long. These long years of exile have clearly sharpened their survival skills and made them stubbornly hold on to their unique culture.Learning-proud, aristocratic in their feeling for life and culture, the community takes justified pride in their knowledge of rituals and ancient scriptures.The community folklore has it that many scriptures in Sanskrit were authored by the Pandits. And the first individual to produce Vedas in writing was also a Kashmiri Brahmin, Pandit Vasukura.Their literary talents can be judged by the contributions of Pandits like Kalhana, who wrote Rajtarangi, on the history of Kashmir and Lal Ded, the mystical poetess. ( If you dont know Lal Ded, check out the serial on Doordarshan).Deeply spiritual and valuing inner life, Pandits are ardent devotees of Lord Shivas. Shivratri, to most of them, calls for celebration and grand festivities.And if all of you are out on December 31 to celebrate the New Year Eve, for the pandits, the party begins on Navreh, which, as per the desi calander, begins in April with the onset of spring. holding the promise of renewal and rebirth.Other festivals which find a prominent place on the pandits’ calendar are ‘ Ganesh Chetturdashi, Janashmatmi, Durga Ashtmi and Ananta Chodah.Well if it is Kashmir, than the talk of the cuisine ccannot be sidelined. The exquisite Wazwan with more than 24 varied dishes is a veritable delight for non-vegetarians. Special tea ‘Kewa and Namkeen Chai’’ are the favourites. Even if their latest modelled houses may have centralised heating system, ‘kangri’, (fire pot) finds a place on the shelf. ‘‘Effort is to preserve the culture of Kashmir, even in this city life,’ says Nancy Ganjoo, president, Kashmiri Sahayak Sabha.Weekly classes on Kashmiri languages are being organised at Kashmir Bhawan for the youth, along with classes on ‘Sharadalipi’ (original script of Kashmir). The community in Chandigarh also brings forth a monthly magazine Sundervani, as a medium to reach out to each other.But at the end, it’s migrancy and a consistent pining for a lost home that accounts for their moments of highs and lows. Jia Lal Hundoo, a writer, says that dispersion has been the biggest causality for the community. The joint family system, where generations lived together, is losing ground with all the attendant economical and social distractions, he says, conjuring up a community that has mastered the art of living with crises. The Times of India PAWAN BALI

Speech of Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah in the Constituent Assembly

In kashmir on November 12, 2008 at 14:37

Let me drawn your attention that sheikh abdullah was the first person who has did the mass genocide of kashmiri pandits in kashmir by enforcing land reform.He was advocating that state of kashmir be total muslim state by cleaning kashmiri pandits was his first job you can access in his speech who’s land was mostly in kashmir why we are in living exile from 1948-2008.Read the speech.

Speech of Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah in the Constituent Assembly
Sheikh Abdullah
Sheikh Abdullah addressing a gathering.
We must remember that our struggle for power has now reached its successful climax in convening of this Constituent Assembly. It is for you to translate the vision of New Kashmir into a reality, and I would remind you of its opening words, which will inspire our labors:
“We the people of Jammu & Kashmir, Ladakh and the Frontier regions, including Poonch and Chenani Illaqas commonly known as Jammu and Kashmir State in order to perfect our union in the fullest equality and self-determination to raise ourselves and our children forever from the abyss of oppression and poverty, degradation and superstition, from medieval darkness and ignorance, into the sunlit valleys of plenty, ruled by freedom, science and honest toil, in worthy participation of the historic resurgence of the peoples of East, and the working masses of the world, and in determination to make this our country a dazzling gem on the snowy bosom of Asia, to propose and propound the following constitution of our State.’
This was passed at the 1944 session of the National Conference in Srinagar. Today, in 1951, embodying aspirations, men and women from the four corners of the state in this Constituent Assembly have become the repository of its sovereign authority. This Assembly, invested with the authority of a constituent body, will be the fountain-head of basic laws laying the foundation of a just social order and safeguarding the democratic rights of all the citizens of the State. You are the sovereign authority in this State of Jammu and Kashmir; what you decide has the irrevocable force of law. The basic democratic principle of sovereignty of the nation embodied ably in the American and French Constitutions, is once again given shape in our midst. I shall quote the famous words of Article 3 of the French Constitution of 1791:
“The source of all sovereignty resides fundamentally in the nation…Sovereignty is one and indivisible, inalienable and imprescriptable. It belongs to the nation.” We should be clear about the responsibilities that this power invests us with. In front of us lie decisions of the highest national importance which we shall be called upon to take. Upon the correctness of our decisions depends not only the happiness of our land and people now, but the fate as well of generations to come.
What then are the main functions that this Assembly will be called upon to perform?
One great task before this Assembly will be to devise a Constitution for the future governance of the country. Constitution-making is a difficult and detailed matter. I shall only refer to some of the broad aspects of the Constitution, which should be the product of the labors of this Assembly.
Another issue of vital import to the nation involves the future of the Royal Dynasty. Our decision will have to be taken both with urgency and wisdom, for on that decision rests the future form and character of the State.

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The Third major issue awaiting your deliberations arises out of the Land Reforms which the Government carried out with vigor and determination. Our “Land to the tiller” policy brought light into the dark homes of the peasantry; but, side by side, it has given rise to the problem of the landowners demand for compensation. The nation being the ultimate custodian of all wealth and resources, the representatives of the nation are truly the best jury for giving a just and final verdict on such claims. So in your hands lies the power of this decision.
Finally, this Assembly will after full consideration of the three alternatives that I shall state later, declare its reasoned conclusion regarding accession. This will help us to canalize our energies resolutely and with greater zeal in directions in which we have already started moving for the social and economic advancement of our country.
To take our first task, that of Constitution-making, we shall naturally be guided by the highest principles of the democratic constitutions of the world. We shall base our work on the principles of equality, liberty and social justice which are an integral feature of all progressive constitutions. The rule of law as understood in the democratic countries of the world should be the cornerstone of our political structure. Equality before the law and the independence of the judiciary from the influence of the Executive are vital to us. The freedom of the individual in the matter of speech, movement and association should be guaranteed: freedom of the press and of opinion should also be features of our Constitution. I need not refer in great detail to all those rights and obligations, already embodied in New Kashmir,which are Integral parts of democracy which has been defined as ‘an apparatus of social organization wherein people govern through their chosen representatives and are themselves guaranteed political and civil liberties”.
You are no doubt aware of the scope of our present constitutional ties with India. We are proud to have our bonds with India, the goodwill of those people and government is available to us in unstinted and abundant measure. The Constitution of India has provided for a federal union and in the distribution of sovereign powers has treated us differently from other constituent units. With the exception of the items grouped under Defense Foreign Affairs and Communications in the instrument of Accession , we have complete freedom to frame our Constitution in the manner we like. In order to live and prosper as good partners in a common endeavor for the advancement of our peoples, I would advise that, while safeguarding our autonomy to the fullest extent so as to enable us to have the liberty to build our country according to the best traditions and genius of our people, we may also by suitable constitutional arrangements with the Union establish our right to seek and compel Federal cooperation and assistance in this great task, as well as offer our fullest cooperation and assistance to the Union.
Whereas it would be easy for you to devise a document calculated to create a frame work of law and order, as also a survey of the duties and rights of citizens. It will need more arduous labor to take concrete decisions with regard to the manner in which we propose to bring about the rapid economic development of the State and more equitable distribution of our national income among the people to which we are pledged. Our National Conference avows its faith in the principal that there is one thing common to men of all castes and creeds, and that is their humanity. That being so, the one ailment which is ruthlessly sapping the vitality of human beings in Jammu & Kashmir is their appalling poverty, and if, we merely safeguard their political freedom in solemn terms, it will not affect their lives materially unless it guarantees them economic and social justice. New Kashmir contains a statement of the objectives of bur social policy. It gives broadly a picture of the kind of life that we hope to make possible for the people of Jammu & Kashmir and the manner in which the economic organization of the country will be geared to that purpose. These ideals you will have to integrate with the political structure which you will devise.
The future political set-up which you decide upon for Jammu & Kashmir must also take into consideration the existance of various sub-national groups in our State. Although culturally diverse history has forged an uncommon unity between them; they all are pulsating with the same hopes and aspirations, sharing in each others joys and sorrows . While guaranteeing this basic unity of the State, our constitution must not permit the concentration of power and privilege in the hands of any particular group or territorial region. It must afford the fullest possibilities to each of these groups to grow and flourish in conformity with their cultural characteristics without detriment to the integral unity of the State or the requirements of our social and economic policies.
Now let us take up an issue of basic importance which involves the fundamental character of the State itself. As an instrument of the will of a self-determining people who now become sovereign in their own right, the Constituent Assembly will now re-examine and decide upon the future of the present ruling dynasty, in respect of its authority.
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It is clear that this dynasty can no longer exercise authority on the basis of an old discredited Treaty. During my trial for sedition in the “Quit Kashmir” movement, I had clarified the attitude of my party when I said:
“The future constitutional set-up in the State of Jammu & Kashmir cannot derive authority from the old source of relationship which was expiring and was bound to end soon. The set-up could only rest on the active will of the people of the State, conferring on the head of the State the title and authority drawn from the true and abiding source of sovereignty, that is the people.” On this occasion, in 1946, I had also indicated the basis on which an individual could be entrusted by the people with the symbolic authority of a Constitutional Head: “The State and its Head represent the constitutional circumference and the center of this sovereignty respectively, the Head of the State being the symbol of the authority with which the people may invest him for the realization of their aspirations and the maintenance of their rights”.
In consonance with these principles, and in supreme fulfillment of the people’s aspirations, it follows that a Constitutional Head of the State will have to be chosen to exercise the function which this Assembly may chose to entrust to him. So far as my Party is concerned, we are convinced that the institution of monarchy is incompatible with the spirit and needs of modern times which demand an egalitarian relationship between one citizen and another. The supreme test of a democracy is the measure of equality of opportunity that it affords to its citizens to rise to the highest point of authority and position. In consequence monarchies are fast disappearing from the world picture, as something in the nature of feudal anachronisms. In India, too, where before the partition, six hundred and odd Princes exercised rights and privileges of rulership, the process of democratization has been taken up and at present hardly ten of them exercise the limited authority of constitutional heads of States.
After the attainment of complete power by the people, it would have been an appropriate gesture of good will to recognize Maharaja Hari Singh as the first constitutional Head of the State. But I must say with regret that he has completely forfeited the confidence of every section of the people. His in capacity to adjust himself to changed conditions and his antiquated views on vital problems constitute positive disqualifications for him to hold the high office of a democratic Head of the State. Moreover, his past actions as a ruler have proved that he is not capable of conducting himself with dignity, responsibility and impartiality. The people still remember with pain and regret his failure to stand by them in times of crisis, and his incapacity to afford protection to a section of his people in Jammu.
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Finally we come to the issue which has made Kashmir an object of world interest, and has brought her before the forum of the United Nations. This simple issue has become so involved that people have begun to ask themselves after three and a half years of tense expectancy. “Is there any solution ?” Our answer is in the affirmative. Everything hinges round the genuineness of the will to find a solution. If we face the issue straight, the solution is simple.
The problem may be posed in this way. Firstly, was Pakistan’s action in invading Kashmir in 1947 morally and legally correct, judged by any norm of international behavior ? Sir Owen Dixon’s verdict on this issue is perfectly plain. In unambiguous terms he declared Pakistan an aggressor. Secondly, was the Maharajah’s accession to India legally valid or not ? The legality of the accession has not been seriously questioned by any responsible or independent person or authority.
These two answers are obviously correct. Then where is the justification of treating India and Pakistan at par in matters pertaining to Kashmir ? In fact, the force of logic dictates the conclusion that the aggressor should withdraw his armed forces, and the United Nations should see that Pakistan gets out of the State.
In that event, India herself, anxious to give the people of the State a chance to express their will freely, would willingly cooperate with any sound plan of demilitarization. They would withdraw their forces, only garrisoning enough posts to ensure against any repetition of that earlier treacherous attack from Pakistan.
These two steps would have gone a long way to bring about a new atmosphere in the State. The rehabilitation of displaced people, and the restoration of stable civic conditions would have allowed people to express their will and take the ultimate decision.
We as a Government are keen to let our people decide the future of our land in accordance with their own wishes. If these three preliminary processes were accomplished, we should be happy to have the assistance of international observes to ensure fair play and the requisite conditions for a free choice by the people.
Instead invader and defender have been put on the same plane. Under various garbs, attempts have been made to sidetrack the main issue. Sometimes against all our ideals of life and way of living attempts divide our territories have been made in the form of separation of our state religionwise, with ultimate plans of further disrupting territorial integrity. Once an offer was made to police our country with Commonwealth forces, which threatens to bring in Imperial control by the back door. Besides the repugnance which our people have however, to the idea of bringing foreign troops on their soil, the very presence of Commonwealth troops could have created suspicions among our neighbors that we were allowing ourselves to be used as a base of possible future aggression against them. This could easily have made us into a second Korea.
The Cabinet Mission Plan has provided for three courses which may be followed by the Indian States when determining future affiliations. A State can either accede to India or accede to Pakistan, but failing to do either, it still can claim the right to remain independent. These three alternatives are naturally open to our State. While the intention of the British Government was to secure The privileges of the Princes, the representatives of the people must have the primary consideration of promoting the greatest good of the common people. Whatever steps they take must contribute to the growth of a democratic social order wherein all invidious distinctions between groups and creeds are absent. Judged by this supreme considerations, what are the advantages and disadvantages of our State’s accession to either India or Pakistan or of having and independent Status.
As a realist I am conscious that nothing is all black or all white, and there are many facts to each of the propositions before us. I shall first speak on the merits and demerits of the State’s accession to India. In the final analysis, as I understand it, it is the kinship of ideals which determines the strength of ties between two States. The Indian National Congress has consistently supported the cause of the State’s peoples’ freedom. The autocratic rule of the Princes has been done away with and representative government have been entrusted with the administration. Steps towards democratization have been taken and these have raised the people’s standard of living, brought about much-needed social reconstruction, and above all built up their very independence of spirit. Naturally, if we accede to India there is no danger of a revival of feudalism and autocracy. Moreover, during the last four years the Government of India has never tried to interfere in our internal autonomy this experience has strengthened our confidence in them as a democratic State.
The real character of a State is revealed in its Constitution. The Indian Constitution has set before the country the goal of secular democracy based upon justice, freedom and equality for all without distinction. This is the bedrock of modern democracy. This should meet the argument that the Muslims of Kashmir cannot have security in India, where the large majority of the population are Hindus. Any unnatural cleavage between religious groups is the legacy of Imperialism, and no modern State can afford to encourage artificial division if it is to achieve progress and prosperity. The Indian Constitution has amply and finally repudiated the concept of a religious State, which is a throw back to medievalism, by guaranteeing the equality of rights of all citizens irrespective of their religion, color caste and class.
The national movement in our State naturally gravitates towards these principles of secular democracy. The people here will never accept a principle which seeks to favor the interests of one religion or social group against another. This affinity in political principles, as well as in past association, and our common path of suffering in the cause of freedom, must be weighed properly while deciding the future of the State.
We are also intimately concerned with the economic wellbeing of the people of this State. As I said before while referring to constitution-building, political ideals are often meaningless unless linked with economic plans. As a State, we are concerned mainly with agriculture and trade. As you know, and I have detailed before, we have been able to put through our “land to the tiller” legislation and make of it a practical success. Land and all it means is an inestimable blessing to our peasants who have dragged along in servitude to the landlord and his allies for centuries without number. We have been able under present conditions to carry these reforms through, are we sure that in alliance with landlord-ridden Pakistan, with so many feudal privileges intact, that the economic reforms of ours will be tolerated. We have already heard that news of our Land Reforms has traveled to the peasants of the enemy-occupied area of our State, who vainly desire like status, and like benefits. In the second place, our economic welfare is bound up with our arts and crafts. The traditional markets for these precious goods for which we are justly known all over the world, have been centered in India. The volume of our trade, in spite of the dislocation of the last few years, shows this. Industry is also highly important to us. Potentially we are rich in minerals, and in the raw materials of industry; we need help to develop our resources. India, being more highly industrialized than Pakistan, can give us equipment, technical services and materials. She can help us too in marketing. Many goods also which it would not be practical for us to produce here for instance sugar, cotton, cloth, and other essential commodities, can be got by us in large quantities from India. It is around the efficient supply of such basic necessities that the standard of the man in-the-street depends.
I shall refer now to the alleged disadvantages of accession to India.
To begin with, although the land frontiers of India and Kashmir are contiguous, an all-weather road-link as dependable as the one we have with Pakistan does not exist. This must necessarily hamper trade and commerce to some extent particularly during the snowy winter months. But we have studied this question, and, with improvements in modern engineering, if the State wishes to remain with India the establishment of an all-weather stable system of communication is both feasible and easy. Similarly, the use of the State rivers as a means of timber transport is impossible if we turn to India, except in Jammu where the river Chenab still carries logs to the plains. In reply to this argument, it may be pointed out that accession to India will open up possibilities of utilizing our forest wealth for industrial purposes and that, instead of lumber, finished goods, which will provide work for our carpenters and laborers, can be exported to India where there is a ready market for them. Indeed in the presence of our fleets of timber carrying trucks, river-transport is a crude system which inflicts a loss of some 20% to 35%, in transit.
Still another factor has to be taken into consideration. Certain tendencies have been asserting themselves in India which may in the future convert it into a religious State wherein the interests of Muslims will be jeopardized. This would happen if a communal organization had a dominant hand in the Government, and Congress ideals of the equality of all communities were made to give way to religious intolerance. The continued accession of Kashmir to India should, however, help in defeating this tendency. From my experience of the last four years, it is my considered judgment that the presence of Kashmir in the Union of India has been the major factor in establishing relations between the Hindus and Muslims of India. Gandhiji was not wrong when he uttered words before his death which paraphrase, “I lift up mine eyes into the hills, from whence cometh my help.”
As I have said before, we must consider the question of accession with all open mind, and not let our personal prejudices stand in the way of a balanced judgment. I will now invite you to evaluate the alternative of accession to Pakistan.
The most powerful argument which can be advanced in her favor is that Pakistan is a Muslim State, and, big majority of our people being Muslims the State must accede to Pakistan. This claim of being a Muslim State is of course only a camouflage. It is a screen to dupe the common man, so that he may not see clearly that Pakistan is a feudal State in which a clique is trying by these methods to maintain itself in power. In addition to this, the appeal to religion constitutes a sentimental and a wrong approach to the question. Sentiment has its own place in life but often it leads to irrational action. Some argue, as supposedly natural corollary to this, that on our acceding to Pakistan our annihilation or survival depends. Facts have disproved this, right-thinking men would point out that Pakistan is not an organic unity of all the Muslims in this sub- continent. It has on the contrary, caused the dispersion of the Indian Muslims for whose benefit it was claimed to have been created. There are two Pakistans at least a thousand miles apart from each other. The total population of Western Pakistan which is contiguous to our State, is hardly 15 million. While the total number of Muslims, resident in India is as many as 40 million. As one Muslim is as good as another, the Kashmiri Muslims if they are worried by such considerations should choose the forty millions living in India.
Looking at the matter too from a more modern political angle religious affinities alone do not and should not normally determine the political alliance of States. We do not find a Christian bloc, a Buddhist bloc, or even a Muslim bloc, about which there is so much talk nowadays in Pakistan. These days economic interests and a community of political ideals more appropriately influence the policies of States.
We have another important factor to consider, if the State decides to make this the predominant consideration. What will be the fate of the one million non-Muslims now in our State ? As things stand at present, there is no place for them in Pakistan. Any solution which will result in the displacement or the total subjugation of such a large number of people will not be just or fair, and it is the responsibility of this House to ensure that the decision that it takes on accession does not militate against the interests of any religious group.
As regards the economic advantages. I have mentioned before the road and river links with Pakistan. In the last analysis, we must however remember that we are not concerned only with the movement of people but also with the movement of goods and the linking up of markets. In Pakistan there is a chronic dearth of markets for our products. Neither, for that matter, can she help us with our industrialization, being herself industrially backward.
On the debit side we have to take into account the reactionary character of her politics and State policies. In Pakistan we should remember that the lot of the States’ subjects has not changed and they are still helpless and under the heel of their Rulers, who wield the same unbridled power under which we used to suffer here. This clearly runs counter to our own aspirations for freedom.
Another big obstacle to a dispassionate evaluation of her policies is the lack of a constitution in Pakistan. As it stands at present, this State enjoys the unique position of being governed by a Constitution enacted by an outside Parliament which gives no idea whatsoever of the future shape of civic and social relations. It is reasonable to argue that Pakistan cannot have the confidence of a freedom-loving and democratic people when it has failed to guarantee even fundamental rights of its citizens. The right of self-determination for nationalities is being consistently denied and those who fought against Imperialism for this just right are being suppressed with force. We should remember Badshah Khan and his comrades who laid down their all for freedom, also Khan Abdus Samad Khan and other fighters, in Baluchistan. Our national movement in the State considers this right of self-determination inalienable, and no advantage, however great, will persuade our people to forego it.
The third course open to us has still to be discussed. We have to consider the alternative of making ourselves an Eastern Switzerland, of keeping aloof from both States but having friendly relations with them. This might seem attractive in that it would appear to pave the way out of the present deadlock. To us as a tourist country it could also have certain obvious advantages, but in considering independence we must not ignore practical considerations. Firstly, it is not easy to protect sovereignty and independence in a small country which has not sufficient strength to defend itself on our long and difficult frontiers bordering so many countries. Secondly we must have the goodwill of all our neighbors. Can we find powerful guarantors among them to pull together always in assuring us freedom from aggression? I would like to remind you that from August 15 to October 22, 1947 our State was independent and the result was that our weakness was exploited by the neighbor with invasion. What is the guarantee that in future too we may not be victims of a singular aggression.
I have now put the pros and cons of the three alternatives before you. It should not be difficult for men of discrimination and patriotism gathered in this Assembly to weigh all these in the scales of our national good and pronounce the well being of the country lies in the future.
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The Baloch National Question

In kashmir on November 12, 2008 at 13:51

The Baloch National Question

 

 

Introduction

 

National Question is a major issue in the contemporary world, especially in the context of a post-colonial and post-Soviet era. Baloch is amongst the largest stateless nations in the world. Their homeland, Balochistan divided by the powerful forces of history, lies within the present day borders of Pakistan, Afghanistan and Iran. In post-colonial multi-ethnic countries, the ascendancy to power by one specific ethnic group over another tended to occur at the expense of minority nationality through the minimization of political and economic opportunities. Hostilities arise among the constituent nationalities of a multi-national state from deep-rooted socio-economic and political-cultural grievances. The redundancy of religion as a binding force among different nationalities in Pakistani context had become obvious by many events in the turbulent history of this country. It has become quite obvious that superfluous Islamic Pakistani nationalism did not serve as a means of awakening of Pakistani masses to national consciousness. If Pakistan wants a democratic solution to the Baloch question, she must imperatively amend radically her fundamental perception with a new paradigm based on the basic principles of autonomy, democracy and secularism. The present era of liberalism, tolerance, human rights and right of self-determination, which has been proclaimed by United Nations as a fundamental right to all peoples without any constraints or limitations, has brought new hopes for the long suffering Baloch people. For many, a sovereign and united Balochistan could be a stabilizing factor in the unstable and chaotic atmosphere created by Islamic fundamentalists and chauvinists in Central and South Asia.

  

Dynamics of Post -colonial Nationalism

 

In a broader context, in Asia and Africa, the emergence of national struggles was due to unnatural national boundaries in which geographic ethnic and cultural entities were ignored while forming or reforming states by colonial masters in 19th and 20th centuries. Many ancient peoples got themselves separated in many countries. Hence, these nationalities are exerting pressure for territorial revision with the object of uniting the people of same racial, linguistic and cultural origin by creating new national states.

 

The territorial states emerged in 19th and 20th centuries, began their cultural-political hegemony in the form of establishing of institutions dominated by majority nationality, designed for greater integration, and eventual assimilation of all national minorities living within the confines of a modern state thus diminishing minority national identities into sub-categories. For members of marginalized national entities the burning issues of territorial demarcation is but responses to state expansion and encroachment into social and economic spheres. As Johnston put it “Nationalism is essentially a form of alternate alignment that is shaped as a counter movement to the established state order; a counter movement that views nationalism as a strategy that responds in a territorial and political manner to processes of state expansion.”

 

In multi-ethnic countries, the majority nationality or nationalities generally keep out the minority in power structure.   According to Smith, when a people see itself disenfranchised or excluded from power structures, more often than not (especially if the perceived treatment is seen to be based on ethnic lines) a consolidation of purpose that is diametrically opposed to the centre is formed on the periphery. In many cases the existing state may in itself be viewed by the ethnic minorities as the “enemy”. The minority nationalist opposition can seek to break away from the union. Thus hostility arises among the constituent nationalities of a multi-national state from deep-rooted socio-economic and political-cultural grievances which, minority feels, cannot be redressed by any normal political means. The forms and dimensions of ethnic enmity however depend upon the nature of polity and the power and position of the threatened group vis-à-vis the dominant nationality.

 

What are the main apprehensions that particularly infuriate a national minority and cause their alienation? A minority is discontented because it is not allowed the right to use its native language. It is aggrieved when it does not enjoy liberty of conscience and of movement.  A minority is disenchanted because it does not own or possess its resources. It is disillusioned when they are exploited economically and in the process is kept away from power composition of the state.

 

‘Of all human feelings, the strongest, the mightiest and the deepest are the national feeling.’ This thought of Lenin’s, best expresses the great importance of national feeling in the lives of all peoples. A nation is a stable community, is historically formed on the basis of a common language, territory, economic life, and psychological make-up manifested in a common culture. Nationalism is the feeling of kinship, created as a result of an enlightened vision of common history. According to sociologists like Ernest Renan, a nation is a soul constituted by two things. One lies in the past, one in the present. One is the possession in common of a rich legacy of memories; the other is present day consent– the desire to live together, the will to perpetuate the value of the heritage that one has received in an undivided form. A nation is therefore a large-scale solidarity, constituted by the feeling of sacrifices that one has made in the past and of those that one is prepared to make in future for common good of its constituents.

 

The right of self-determination was formulated by European philosophers after the Renaissance, and then proclaimed by the Founding Fathers of America and by the French Revolution. The United Nations has proclaimed this right in many covenants and solemn resolutions as a fundamental right to all peoples without any constraints or limitations. This signifies equal rights of nations as an essential element in answer to the national question.  The right of self-determination means that only the nation itself has the right to determine its destiny: that no one has the right to forcibly interfere in the life of the nation, to destroy its institutions, to violate its habits and customs, to repress its language, or curtail its economic rights.  The right of self-determination means that a nation may organize its collective life in the way it wishes.  It has the freedom to enter into federal or con-federal relations with other nations and the right to complete secession. The conception aims to put an end to the policy of national oppression, thereby removing basic causes of strife amongst nations.

 

The national questions in South Asia as in the other parts of the world do not fall into a monolithic category: what distinguish the differences between them is historical, cultural, economic and geographical. In the context of Baloch National Question, the theoretical formation and existence of present territorial states in post-colonial Asia and Africa is essential for deriving conclusions in its proper socio-cultural, historical, political and geographical perspective.

 

 

Tracing Baloch Aspirations

 

One of the ancient inhabitants of central Caspian region, the Baloch trace their national identity as a tribal union for the first time in connection with their military support to forces of Iranian Monarch, Cyrus (546-529 BC) against the Medes. References by Arab and Persian chroniclers to a Koch-o-Baloch and their hold on major areas of Kerman and Seistan as far as the sea signify that these tribes had a political and administrative structure with a centralized authority which forged alliances with other tribes as well as with rulers of Persia and the Indus valley. The first conflict with the Persians after their alliance with Cyrus has been recorded during the reign of Anushervan around 531 AD. The Persian military might was brought on the Baloch with large scale massacres.  Baloch relations with Persia since Anushervan have never been cordial. They have been fighting them intermittently for the last fifteen hundred years. In late 1920s Mir Dost Muhammad Khan’s attempt to create an independent Balochistan proved abortive. For the past several decades the Persians never hesitated to use force against the Baloch.

 

Numbering over 15 million, the Baloch is one of the largest non-state nations in the present world. After a series of massive migrations due to historical events, the Baloch finally settled in the present day boundaries of Balochistan although many Baloch tribes could be found in Pakistani provinces of Punjab and Sindh. A small number has been settled in Gujrat in India.  Their homeland is divided amongst Pakistan, Afghanistan and Iran. The greatest number lives in Pakistan, though a significant number of Baloch are living in Diaspora. For centuries, the Baloch, with its distinctive culture has had to confront all centralizing, and ethnically-based nationalist regimes of the host states which have little or no tolerance for expressions of Baloch national autonomy within their borders.

 

From 16th   to mid-19th century, much of Balochistan was under the rule of independent and autonomous Baloch tribal principalities. The first Baloch ruler in 17th century was Naseer Khan Ahmed-zai. The Baloch political standing was changed radically in later decades, when the British and Persian empires divided Balochistan into spheres of influences, agreeing on an artificial border in 19th century, between British Empire in India and Persian Kingdom. The still controversial Durand line gave a significant chunk of Baloch territory to the buffer state of Afghanistan. In the West the Goldsmith line gave a large portion of Baloch land to Iran. The Anglo-Afghan wars and subsequent events in Persia in respect of “great game” played between Czarist Russia and British Empire further marginalized the Baloch and compromised their national sovereignty.

 

The first Baloch national conference at Jacobabad in 1932 was amongst the basic events that continued to shape the nationalist struggle until the end of 20th century. In spite the diversity of struggle in the 20th century, the fight was for a purely nationalist agenda aiming to replace foreign rule by a native rule.

 

Fighting Baloch Nationalism

 

Balochistan went through three armed conflicts since its forcible merger with Pakistan. The first was in 1948. Later events in 1958, and 1974 were extra parliamentary reactions of an ethnic nationality perceiving the threat of subjugation. Although the central government’s political and economic incursions into the province triggered off the conflicts, the root cause lay in the unfulfilled national aspirations of the Baloch for an independent sovereign status of their own.  After annexation of the Kalat confederacy in 1948, which led to a short-lived uprising, successive Pakistani ruling elite had perceived Baloch nationalism as a grave threat to the state’s suzerainty. The incident that   strengthened the center’s threat perception in later years was the abortive attempt of the Khan of Kalat to convene a meeting of the Baloch Sardars in 1958 to work out plans to consolidate a Baloch state. The Pakistani establishment responded with oppressive measures. Discrimination against them in government services and allocation of developmental funds to the province, the state-aided settlement of Punjabis and Afghan immigrants during and after Afghan conflict with Soviet Union, in the Baloch areas in order to bring about a demographic change, exploitative attitude in harnessing natural resources, and systematic endeavors for cultural hegemony all led to a sense of relative deprivation and political disenchantment in Baloch society.

 

Language which is undoubtedly the main carrier of ideas, sentiments, traditions, customs and religious dogma from one generation to another has been the prime target. In their assimilative efforts, Iran, Afghanistan and Pakistan have not allowed Balochi to be the language of instructions in schools even at primary level. Balochi publications and institutions for academic research are never encouraged.   The unique case in educational history anywhere is that in the University of Balochistan in Quetta Balochi language is taught in Masters Level but not in Primary schools or in basic educational institutions. Print and electronic media in these countries have been manipulated by people from dominant nationality and all state institutions run by non-Baloch are  assigned the task for  media management formulating policy approaches aimed at so-called ‘assimilation and integration’.  Pakistan and Iran have acquired the services of quite a number pseudo- specialists and literary figures, whose writings and discourses are aimed to target the Baloch heritage, to shade it off, to put it in doubt, or just to ignore it to give a painted picture of Baloch nationalism and its existence as a separate historical entity. Suppression of Balochi language and manipulation of religion are main endeavors for integration of Baloch nationality into broader majority nationalities of Iran and Pakistan. Baloch never incorporated either Zoroastrianism or Islam as such, in their social or political life. Instead they had been guided by centuries old cultural and traditional values in their national behavior. A liberal and tolerant mindset had been evolved among Baloch masses over centuries that are unprecedented in this part of the world which is known for its chauvinism and religious fundamentalism.

 

Yet another area where the host states are activity working is to undermine Baloch tribal solidarity and harmony. The Pakistani State has been instigating inter-tribal rivalries and encouraging tribal enmity between various tribes. These efforts inhibited growth of urban areas, retarded transformation of the society from traditional to transitional and modern and have reinforced tribal ways of life. A similar policy was adopted by the Iranians against the Baloch. Although these manipulations checkered a unified struggle as a nation, the consequent damages and suffering stimulated a deep political awareness among the masses.

 

While the modes and scale of political-cultural oppression by ruling powers have varied in time and by place, the conditions of Baloch in Pakistan, Iran and Afghanistan share some important common features. First the Baloch areas overlap multi-nation-state borders; they thus acquire significance for “national security” of respective host states and are vulnerable for interference and manipulation by regional and international powers. Second, the Baloch regions of these countries are usually the poorest, least developed areas, systematically marginalized by the centers of economic powers. Third, the dynamics of assimilation, repression and the Baloch resistance in each country have affected the direction and outcome of the Baloch struggle. Fourth is the manipulation of religion as means for integration and assimilation of Baloch into broader state nationalities of Iran and Pakistan.

 

Realities of Baloch National Question

 

Since the time of   Iranian monarch Anushervan, Baloch sentiments of nationality and the love of independence have been cemented, by an impressive series of national uprisings, as well as influenced by the post-World War II wave of decolonization and the access to statehood of peoples far less important and much less advanced than the Baloch. To understand the dynamics of Baloch national question it is imperative to discuss some of the basic realities of the problem.

 

The basic truth of Baloch national question is the existence of a Baloch nation, with one homeland, Balochistan. It is an old sociological reality historically constituted, etched on the collective Baloch memory and engraved in the geography of the area. The second is the political partition of Balochistan, in the aftermath of the unjust decisions of the boundary commissions reached between British Empire, Persia and Afghanistan. Third is the fraudulent referendum in British Balochistan in June 1947 and forcible annexation of Kalat state by Pakistan in 1948. The fourth is that in the three countries where Baloch live, the states are formed on ethnic lines dominated by one majority nationality. The fifth reality is the misrepresentation and manipulation of historical events very systematically in the region by the states and their institutions, to the detriment of Baloch society and its heritage. And lastly the Baloch demand for self-rule constitutes a democratic pursuit that is incompatible with the despotism and religious-based nationalism of Pakistan, Iran and Afghanistan.

 

These basic realities have, on one hand, reinforced the Baloch general feeling of frustration and on the other hand, it has led to different political and socio-economic situations in other parts of divided Balochistan. The Baloch uprisings in Iran and Pakistan had all the same background – the will of national liberation. The Baloch people believe themselves to constitute but one nation, and Balochistan, one homeland. Most of the Baloch nationalist political parties affirm the existence of one, but divided Baloch nation. These parties operating within legal limits and conscious of political impediments in their respective countries generally seek autonomist or federalist solutions to the Baloch question as a provisional political solution within the framework of the existing states.

 

 

 

The Paradox of Pakistani Identity

 

The national question in Pakistan can be interpreted by pointing to a distinction between the thematic and problematic levels of nationalist thoughts. This is especially important in the contradictory mission of Pakistani identity that has opted for transforming national cultures of different nationalities to a so-called Pakistani culture while at the same time struggling in maintaining a unique religious identity, in the greater dimension of being part of illusionary Muslim umma or solidarity. Conceived and created on the theory that religion alone can be a binding force between diverse ethnic and national entities of North West and Southeast of Indian subcontinent, Pakistan is facing the worse identity crisis since its inception. The traumatic events leading to separation of East Bengal in 1971 made religion amply redundant as a binding force for the country and its diverse peoples. The recent dissolution of ideological states of Soviet Union and Yugoslavia gave further impetus to the thinking of many saner elements in the majority nationality of Pakistan, the Punjab,   to search for a new sound and logical personality of the state, which could provide a rationale for a viable Pakistan, and to determine the parameters of relations between majority and minority nationalities.

 

Pakistan came as a unique phenomenon in modern history. Its top political leadership and bureaucracy came from northern India, having no cultural and social roots in the new-found country. It was also unique that the language of a few hundred thousand emigrants was declared as the national and official language of a sovereign state. It was not only the ruling elite but the very ‘ideology of Pakistan’, that only the religion forming the basis of any nationality, which was alien to the present nationalities comprising Pakistan. Proponent of “Pakistan ideology”, the Muslim league, (formed in 1906)   a political party that was formed and groomed by British rulers, had no popular support within the present geographical boundaries of the country, a fact fully reflected in the pre-partition general elections.

 

The state establishment in line with the illusionary religious personality of the state has to justify dictates of so-called ideology in its internal and external policy approaches for five decades with not so pleasant consequences. The paradox of Pakistani Islamic nationalism resulted in hostility both towards national aspirations of minority nationalities and propagation of a superfluous non-existing Islamic umma. It is quite obvious that Pakistani nationalism did not serve as a means of awakening of Pakistani masses to national consciousness. It was rather a misconceived mission undertaken by a particular class of intellectuals whose discourses were laden with dilemma of having no cultural roots or social bona fide in the new society which they were incidentally dominating. The state is facing the identity crisis stemming from the aforementioned paradox.

 

Such inconsistency in approaches and policies internal and external is evident in all spheres of national life. Being one of the poorest countries of the world it is maintaining a huge army equipped with nuclear weapons of mass destruction. By the policies it has been pursuing it appears that the country has a hegemonistic eye on the entire region. It wanted to rule and suppress the Bengalis. It sought to turn Afghanistan as a satellite state of theirs after Soviet withdrawal through proxy, Taliban. Pakistan is openly demanding the right of self-determination for an Indian constituent nationality, Kashmiris, and fought the Indian thrice over the land. The country supports the Palestinian right to self-rule as a matter of state policy. It also backed the Chechens against the Russians. But Pakistan impudently denies the same right to the peoples who have been waging political and in Baloch case military struggles intermittently within Pakistan during the last many decades for their right to self rule.  Pakistan never even accepts the existence of the ancient peoples like the Baloch, Pakhtoons or the Sindhis having different cultural and historical identities, within its borders. It is not willing to concede genuine democratic rights to them regardless of the clear stand it is taking on the rights of peoples all over the world to self-determination. Therefore, by all calculations Pakistan has been pursuing a contradictory position on each and every principle of governance and the rights of peoples to rule themselves as upheld by the United Nations charter and covenants.

 

The National Question in Pakistan

 

There are four distinct nations in Pakistan. These nations have their ancestral home-land, common decent of several centuries, common culture expressed in their basic values, beliefs and practices, and a collective feelings of solidarity. In Pakistan, Punjabi  is the ruling nationality  holding more than 80% leadership positions in several areas of governance such as judiciary, executive, legislature and  public administration. Therefore, the conflict between the ruling nationality and others is growing incessantly. The elite section of the ruling nation is not prepared to accept Pakistan as a multinational state rather they have been endeavoring to impose the superfluous idea of a single nation.  In their misplaced enthusiasm they are equating the Punjabi/immigrant values, beliefs and practices as the naissance or foundation of a “Pakistani culture”. This ridiculous perception had led to erroneous conclusions that the national question in Pakistan has already been resolved. In reality, this kind of thinking reflects the Punjabi chauvinistic mindset with consequential theoretical and ideological chaos creating deep and irreparable schism in Pakistani society.

 

The political dynamics of the post-September 2001 have certain characteristics that are distressing Pakistani establishment and slightly influencing its polity of religious extremism and militancy on the one hand and perpetuation of repressive policies towards national minorities on the other. The military junta and state elites in an apparent policy shift in order to affiliate the regime with the West are offering new arguments with reference to the significance of a liberal and secular identity of Pakistan. It appears that the establishment is heading towards the abandonment of Islamic ideology as a political manifesto. Islam is apparently being brought from the centre to the periphery. However, the national minorities see the official shift in policy approaches from religious to liberal is a temporary maneuver mostly   prompted by an urge to safe guard the interests of ruling elites rather than by a genuinely legitimate and sustainable interest in Pakistani identity. This is quite clear by the fact that in the recent rhetoric of tolerance and pluralism by Pakistani rulers there is no lessening of tyrannical policies towards national minorities or any mention of the fact that Pakistan is a multi-national state.

 

Since its creation, Pakistan has been passing through a transitional period, where normal constitutional life is far from being established and where the socio- political crisis has not yet been settled. It is in connection with this situation that the national question must be examined. When seeking a solution of the question we must take into account not only the situation at home but also the situation abroad. Pakistan is situated between central Asia, Middle East, and between south Asia and China. In the given situation where ruling elite is oblivious of the national question, it is quite possible, therefore, that a combination of internal and external conditions may arise in which one or another nationality in Pakistan may find it convenient to raise and settle the question of its independence unilaterally and in a violent manner.

 

The Pakistani state is compressed from the top by the drastic changes in international polity and from the bottom by the internal conflicts among various nationalities and is being increasingly and finely minced by the concomitant action of these two powerful jaws. The way out consists, first of all awareness of the new realities and of germinating and nourishing the new seeds of potential empowerment for masses of minority nationalities. The new reality exposes, in many subtle but unequivocal ways the unremitting decay and obsolescence of the state ideology. A new pragmatism must be matched by the emergence of a new paradigm that means a new, more appropriate way of seeing truth. The new paradigm should advocate the basic principles of autonomy, democracy and secularism.  

 

Resolving Baloch Question

 

The Baloch National question can be seen as an instance of a large but oppressed people, stubbornly struggling for their natural and fundamental human rights to sovereign status. The Baloch question has to be approached in the context of short term and long term solutions. The short term solution can be reached  in the Pakistani context while the long term solution can be sought keeping in mind the broader question of Baloch sovereign autonomy in  neighboring countries.

 

The kind of colonialism that the present Pakistani and Iranian state systems are practicing in Balochistan is more degrading and more harmful than ever known in this region. In the new millennium a new scenario of national governance should prevail. The attributes of the new system of governance should be harmonious partnership among nations in Pakistan and Iran. A federal structure and national autonomous provincial governing mechanisms may appropriately address the problem and offer prospects of a new pleasant partnership of trust and coexistence. The federal government should take responsibility in areas of defense, foreign affairs, and on minimum of fiscal discipline. All other state functions should be taken care of by the federating units.  Such a mechanism will generate participation, share responsibilities, and offer opportunities to all nations. Therefore, such an arrangement will provide the foundation for stronger, civilized, prosperous and proud Pakistani peoples in a multinational state with a new vision and a civilized image.

 

If Pakistan wants a democratic solution to the Baloch question, she must imperatively amend her fundamental perception and recognize, the existence of the Baloch within her boundaries as a people distinct from other nationalities comprising Pakistan, equal in collective rights and duties. For this a new constitution has to be evolved with the consent of all nationalities. Without such a constitution federal and democratic in character and essence it will be difficult to reach a solution which could be in line with internationally recognized principles of justice and equality of all peoples in a multi-national state. A democratic Pakistan recognizing the rights of minority nations within its confines will be in the best interest of the civilized world as well, which is facing increasing threat emanating from conservative and fundamentalist societies like Pakistan and Iran.

 

New World Polity and the Baloch Question

 

In agonizing circumstances of socio-cultural and political repression and economic depression throughout the Baloch land and increasing sense of national solidarity amongst the Baloch masses, Balochistan has offered valuable opportunities as a base for a national liberation struggle. That these opportunities have not been seized demonstrates the weaknesses of Baloch leadership, powerful international political and strategic interests in the region as well as intricacies of Baloch nationalism within. In Iran Persian-speaking Iranians are dominating while in Afghanistan Pakhthoons had an upper hand for many decades where Baloch have never been associated with power even in the areas where they form majority. Pakistan is an exceptional case. It ensured exclusion of Baloch and their genuine representatives from government of their state or province. Baloch are excluded in all state institutions and policy making bodies. In State services: armed forces, judiciary, civil armed forces; they can hardly find their way in. In the bi-cameral legislature, upper house, the Senate, where Baloch are equally represented, has no authority to exercise powers in budgetary, economic and other matters. In the powerful lower house Baloch form nearly 4% of the total. The state and their functionaries do ensure that even any symbolic representation in political or constitutional bodies should be individuals who have least concern for the Baloch and their interests or who can easily collude with the establishment dominated by majority nationality. Provincial governments in Balochistan which were thought to represent minimum Baloch sentiments were overthrown in 1973 and 1998 through state maneuvers. During the last 55 years of its existence the total period where a government with Baloch small representation was in power in the province of Balochistan was for only 26 months in all. [9 months in 1973 when NAP was allowed to form a government and then during 1997-8 when a Coalition Ministry of Balochistan National Party managed the provincial affairs for 15 months]   In Iran, the situation is still worse. The Baloch are completely excluded from power: political, social and economic in their own land.

 

In its true perspective the Baloch question is that of a stateless nation. The artificial political frontiers dividing Balochistan, which are in real sense inter-Baloch frontiers, would loose their raison d’être in the years to come. The issue has two dimensions: For a short term, a federalist solution could be envisaged in all parts of Balochistan, within the boundaries of the existing states. But more appropriate and lasting answer in line with internationally recognized principles of right of self determination and sovereign equality of nations will be that different parts of divided Balochistan should be equally federated between themselves, as a national sovereign entity. By its central geographical position, the Baloch is predestined to play the role of a democratic link between the neighboring nations. It will be at the heart of a kind of union between the nations of the southern tip of central Asia. Balochistan would then become a land of peace and a highway for co-operation and development in association with other liberal and democratic nations of the world.

 

However, the most outstanding reality with regard to creation of national states can not easily be over looked. That is the notion of conceding the right to national sovereignty to oppressed nationalities and subjugated national entities on the basis of the right of self determination will considerably change the entire political and geographical landscape of the globe and may not be acceptable for many. But it clearly involves unavoidable principles of sovereign equality of nations and of democracy and humanitarianism.

 

It is quite strange that the civilized worlds of Europe and America, instead of putting meaningful pressure on Pakistan, to help its transformation into a federal, secular and democratic state, are giving much encouragement and political and military sustenance to ruling elite and the trembling state system in Pakistan with all its radical dispensation and religious extremism. The West is reluctant to come out openly in support of rights of nationalities. They are unenthusiastic in supporting secular and enlightened ideals of justice and equality to all. In a cold-war perspective the US and the West viewed the Baloch aspiration for autonomy as an inappreciable extension of Soviet influence, and supported the Persian and Pakistani military and political campaigns against the Baloch. However, after September 2001, far-reaching changes are being observed in international relations in general and central and south Asia in particular. The dynamics of post September polity are bound to effect the national questions of the subjugated nations in the region. Balochistan is geographically and strategically important in respect of oil game being played in central Asia. A liberal and secular Balochistan located at the centre of three states of Pakistan, Iran and Afghanistan with their fundamentalist religious ideologies and wide spread discontent among their constituent nationalities, can play a positive and balancing role. The war on fundamentalism and extremism by international community with rhetoric of human rights, multi-ethnic, broad based regimes, and declaration of war on the axis of evil by US has to a certain extent enhanced the hopes and probability for the achievement of long cherished dreams of emancipation of Baloch masses. 

 

Conclusions

 

The national question is one of the major destabilizing political factors in third world countries. The newly independent countries in Asia and Africa, with artificial boundaries created by colonial powers are facing the daunting task of accommodating the national aspirations of their various constituent nationalities. The Baloch nation with its long standing claim of autonomy is looking with new hopes of gaining its fundamental right of self-determination in a new world polity in the post-Soviet era and in the aftermath of September 11 events. The biggest questions of all in the present day world after Soviet disintegration precisely on cultural, linguistic, national and ethnic lines, is whether multi-national countries should accommodate the aspirations of their nationalities for sovereign status or the same borders of Afro-Asian and Latin American countries mostly drawn by colonial powers regardless of national sensitivities of many peoples should continue in the new millennium, is haunting the political and philosophical mind of many people. Whether the world would rise to the occasion and accepts the national demands of subjugated peoples to make it a safe place to live, is yet to be seen – Jan Muhammad Dashti.

Islamic Terrorism and Genocide of Kashmiri Pandits

In kashmir on November 9, 2008 at 14:05

Genocide in Kashmir

  • 400,000 Kashmiri Pandits, constituting 99% of the total population of Hindus living in Muslim majority area of the Kashmir Valley, were forcibly pushed out of the Valley by Muslim terrorists, trained in Pakistan, since the end of 1989. They have been forced to live the life of exiles in their own country, outside their homeland, by unleashing a systematic campaign of terror, murder, loot and arson.
  • Genocide of Kashmiri Pandits has reached its climax with Muslim terrorism succeeding in ‘CLEANSING’ the valley of this ancient ethno-religious community.
  • With the completion of 11th year of their forced exile, this peace loving, culturally rich community with a history of more than 5000 years, is fighting a grim battle to save itself from becoming extinct as a distinct race and culture.

Main Camp Sites in Jammu

  • Muthi Camp, Jammu
  • Transport Nagar, Jammu
  • Purkhoo Camp, Jammu
  • Stadium Camp, Jammu
  • Jhiri Camp, Jammu
  • Nagrota Camp, Jammu
  • Mishriwala Camp, Jammu
  • Battalbalian Camp, Udhampur

Main Camp Sites in Delhi

  • Nandnagri
  • Sultanpuri, Kailash Colony
  • Maviya Nagar
  • South Extension
  • Palika Dham
  • Lajpat Nagar
  • Aliganj
  • Bapu Dham
  • Amar Colony
  • Mangol Puri
  • Patel Nagar
  • Sultanpuri
  • Moti Nagar
  • Begampura

Kashmiri Pandits in Exile

 

 


Terrorist Violence against Kashmiri Pandits in Kashmir - Role of Pakistan

  • Terrorism in Kashmir is an ideological struggle with specified political commitments which are fundamentalist and communal in character.

  • Terrorist violence is aimed at achieving the disengagement of the state of Jammu and Kashmir from India and its annexation to Pakistan. It is, the continuation of the Islamic fundamentalist struggle for the homeland of Pakistan which claims Jammu and Kashmir state on account of its Muslim majority character. 

  • The major dimension of the terrorist violence in Kashmir is the terrorists’ commitment to the extermination and subjugation of the Hindus in the state because Hindus do not subscribe to the idea of separation from India, nor do they expect to be governed by the authority of the state which derives its sanction from the law and precedent of Islam. Kashmiri Pandits (Hindus) have always been in the forefront of the struggle against secessionism, communalism and fundamentalism. Hence this peace loving minority with a modern outlook became the main victim of terrorist violence. The strategies involved in the terrorists’ operation against the Hindus in Kashmir include:

    • The extermination of Hindus

    • Subjecting Hindus to brutal torture to instill fear among them in order to achieve their submission.

    • To engineer a forced mass exodus of Hindus from the land of their ancestors and birth by way of issuing threatening letters, kidnappings and torture deaths on non-compllance of the terrorists’ dictates and ensure the destruction of the secular and pluralistic character of the socio-political fabric of the Kashmiri Society.

    • Attacks, molestations, kidnappings, gang rapes of the women folk of the Hindus in order to instil fear and humiliation in them.

    • Destruction and burning of the residential houses of the Hindus who leave their homes in look out for safety. Looting of their properties and appropriation of their business establishments to ensure that they do not return.

    • Attachment of their landed property.

    • Destruction of the social base of the Hindus by the desecration and destruction of their places of worship.

    • Appropriation of the property of the Hindu shrines and its attachment to Muslim religious endowments.

Fact sheet Of Atrocities On Kashmiri Pandits

Educational Institutions burnt, damaged forcefully occupied : 105 

Religious & Cultural Institutions Destroyed/burnt, damaged : 103 

Shops, Factories looted/burnt/occupied : 14,430 

Agriculture dependent families deprived of their land and source of income : 20,000 

Horticulture dependent families deprived of their resource : 12,500 

Houses Burnt : more than 20,000

Houses looted : 95%

Torture killings of Kashmiri Pandits in the Valley : more than 1,100

Religious Sadism At Its Peak

  • Killing of Hindus in Jammu and Kashmir by terrorists clearly depicts extreme sadism. All victims have been subjected to extreme torture and terror.

  • Torture deaths have been brought about by such inhuman practices as:

    • Strangulation by using steel wires

    • Hanging

    • Impailing

    • Branding with hot irons

    • Burning alive

    • Lynching

    • Bleeding to death

    • Gouging out of vital organs

    • Dismemberment of Human bodies

    • Drowning alive.

  • Terrorists have frequently indulged in barbaric acts like performing ‘death dances’ after killing their target.

  • Many a time, dead bodies were not even allowed to be properly cremated.

Universal Apathy

Failure of Government of India:

  • The Jammu and Kashmir Government and Government of India have failed squarely to protect the Kashmiri Pandits against Islamic terrorism.

  • Jammu and Kashmir being the only Muslim majority state in whole of India, the protection of minorities and their living peacefully, in their homeland, is crucial for India to remain as a Secular Democratic State.

  • Ethnic cleansing of Kashmiri Pandits (Hindus) from Kashmir valley is the crucial failure of Indian state to uphold its commitments to people of India as enshrined in Indian constitution which provides right to live with dignity and honour to every citizen irrespective of caste, creed, religion or colour.

Failure of Human Rights Organisations:

  • Leading International Human Rights Organisations like Amnesty International, Asia Watch and others have yet to take proper cognisance of the genocide perpetrated on Kashmiri Pandits.

  • Their representatives have so far failed to visit the camps in Jammu, Delhi and other parts of India were thousands of families are puting up for the last five years.

  • Gradual extinction of a civilised community with an ancient culture is yet to shake the conscience of the world.

After The Exodus

  • More than 5000 persons have died in camps and elsewhere after their forced exodus from the valley. They died of sunstrokes (more than 1000) as most of them were used to cold climate of Kashmir and could not acclimitize to extremely hot temperatures in rest of India.

  • Heart attacks and accidents which have been mainly attributed to extreme psychological trau ma and mental pressures by the doctors.

  • Gastroentritis and typhoid epidemics, snake bites etc. 

  • The cohesiveness of the displaced families has broken as they were to undergo diaspora for finding livelihood in various parts of country.

  • Cultural Dilution – The whole displaced community with a distinct culture is facing the threat of extinction after loosing its natural habitat.

Kashmiri Pandits

- Representatives of Glorious Heritage And Legacy of Kashmir

- Symbols of Brotherhood and Peace

  • Kashmiri Pandits have always been devoted to spritual and academic pursuits. 

  • They have during their history of more than 5000 years nurtured values of peace, co-existence and tolerance.

  • They are the original inhabitants of Kashmir. 

  • Kashmiri Pandits are progenitors of Kashmir Shaivism the philosophy of oneness of mankind.

  • Hinyan and Sarvastivadin sects of Budhism found highest expression in Kashmir and Kashmiri Pandits spread their message to China and Central Asia. 

  • Kashmiri Pandits have contributed immensely to the evolution of human thought by contributing to almost all fields of creative human endeavour like literature (mainly Sanskrit), language, science and philosophy from times immemorial.

  • Since the advent of Islam in 14th century, Kashmiri Hindus have been subjected to extreme persecution. To escape religious fanaticism in the form of forced conversions to Islam they had either to embrace death or leave Kashmir more than once during the last six hundred years.

  • Present exodus of Kashmiri Pandits is fourth mass exodus in the history of Kashmir since the advent of Islam in this part.

Kashmiri Pandit: A Rare Pocket Of Tolerance

  • Inspite of repeated rejection of co-existence and pluralism by Muslim society for the last six hundred years, Kashmiri Pandit has not given up his faith in these values.

  • He has not reciprocated fanaticism with fanaticism and violence with violence.

  • In a world threatened with ethnic and religious strifes where various parties have invariably resorted to violence and force, to further their claims, Kashmiri Pandit isthe only example who has totally rejected the violence as a means to fulfill socio-political aspirations.

World therefore has a stake in protecting this culturally rich, educated and peace loving community, from becoming extinct, if it has to move towards a Modern World Order of Peace and Universal brotherhood. 

Terrorist violence cannot be justified on the ground of its political and ideological motivations or value basis. Terrorist violence in the valley is not a Freedom Struggle at all. Cleansing of Kashmiri Pandits from Kashmir is a clear testimony of this fact. There is no freedom which impringes upon freedom. There can be no equality which leads to inequality.

Killings of Kashmiri Pandits


Mrs. Ganju – Banamohalla, Srinagar


Prem Nath Bhat – Anantnag


Sushil Kotru – Rainawari, Srinagar


Mrs. Roopawati – Pulwama

Kashmiri Pandits Demand A Homeland

In kashmir on November 3, 2008 at 16:34

Kashmiri Pandits Demand A Homeland

Vijay K. Sazawal, Ph.D.

The year is 1492. King Ferdinand of Spain has given the Jews of Spain a choice – either convert to Christianity or leave the country. Some 200,000 Jews flee for their lives. Half a world away, in Kashmir, the Kashmiri Pandits (KPs) are faring no better. Update of the essay originally written in 1993.

The year is 1492. King Ferdinand of Spain has given the Jews of Spain a choice – either convert to christianity or leave the country. Some 200,000 Jews flee for their lives. Half a world away, in Kashmir, the Kashmiri Pandits (KPs) are faring no better. It is 22 years since Budshah Zain-ul-Abdin has died and the throne of Kashmir is passing back and forth between Fateh Shah, Badshah’s grandson and the 12th Sultan of Kashmir, and Muhammed Shah Hamadani, whose family came from Persia and settled in Kashmir about 120 years earlier. Sultan Fateh Shah, like his ancestor Sikandar (6th Sultan), has unleashed tyranny on KP’s, imposed “jiziya tax”, destroyed temples and religious books, and forcibly converted 24,000 KP families to Islam. Some KP families who had returned to Kashmir during Budshah’s reign are forced to flee the valley again.

Time marches on. Five centuries later, King Juan Carlos of Spain “apologizes” to Jews and holds a reconciliation meeting with the Israeli President Chaim Herzog in a synagogue on March 31, 1992. However, for KPs the history has come full circle, and the painful memories of Sikandar and Fateh Shah are brought alive by the rape, torture and death of KPs, resulting in an unprecedented mass exodus of the community from the valley since 1990. On the very day the Jews and Catholics are celebrating their reconciliation in Madrid, in the Nai Sark locality of Srinagar one of the very few KP holdouts in the valley named Shri Mohan Lal Braroo, his wife and daughter are killed by two Muslim militants who rape the two women prior to their murder. Instead of receiving an apology, the community continues to be decimated by the alien forces that have controlled their destiny since 1320 A.D.

Indians, in general, have heen cool to the idea of a secure homeland for KPs, because on the surface it appears to be a solution of convenience, and hence “not right.” To comprehend this idea fully, one has to learn about the slow extinction of KPs and their culture, the realities of the world political situation today, and the geopolitics of the subcontinent. The homeland for KPs may be the only viable way now to secure a cultural outpost for a community that traces a proud (and well documented) history of 5,000 years as the cradle of Hindu and Buddhist philosophy, but today is on throes of extinction.

Journey into Oblivion

Kashmir’s coversion to Islam began with Shah Mir’s regime in 1339. This paradigm, that has been entrenched for 650 years, is unlikely to change drastically even under pressure from the mightiest military and political forces in the subcontinent. Consequently, the KPs have been reduced to a minority in their own land, and today even with “four Indian soldiers for every KP” in the valley, KPs have been tortured, raped, and killed in the valley by the Muslim militants and most KPs have fled in fear, leaving their lands, homes and religious ties behind.

The real tragedy is that it is history repeating itself over and over again. As far back as 1400, there were only eleven KP families left in the valley as a result of Muslim atrocities and forced migration to the rest of India. Apart from a few families returning now and then, particularily during Budshah’s time (1420-1470), the migration of the KPs from the valley has been basically a one way journey into oblivion. Over the last 650 years, the repeated exodus has decimated the ethnic identity of the community, its population and culture. Once having left the valley, KPs have shown little inclination to return mainly because of what they see as insecure life with dwindling economic and political upportunities in a hostile Islamic fundamentalist environment. While it is easy to dismiss such a belief as an over-reaction, the truth is not far behind as borne by repeated waves of forced migration from the valley since the beginning of Islamic rule.

The concept of the KP homeland is the first viable alternative to interrupt this paradigm and hence the most revolutionary KP idea in the last 650 years. The homeland will put KPs on par with other ethnic communities in the subcontinent, who have maintained a historical right and access to their land of origins.

Geopolitical Realities

The two neighboring countries outside of India and Pakistan that can influence events in Kashmir are Afganistan and Kazakhstan. Here the unfolding events are a bearer of bad news for the subcontinent, and it is getting worse by the day. Afghanistan has emerged after 14 years of civil war very much like Lebanon. The departure of the Pathan leader Najibullah and his communist structure (Watan Party) has given way to a three way tussle between Uzbeks (led by Turkic-speaking Abdul Dostam), Tajiks (led by Persian-speaking Ahmed Shah Masood) and Pathans (led by Pashtu-speaking Gulbuddin Hekmatyar). At this time, the world spotlight is on Masood and his Jamiat-e-Islami party, but even if he were to emerge as the victor in the United Nations (UN) sponsored political negotiations currently underway, it is unlikely that various ethnic groups in Afghanistan – Tajiks, Uzbeks, Pathans, Baluchis, Turks, and Hazaras – will work towards unification. The underlying strategy of Hekmatyar and his Hezb-e-Islami movement is that only Islamic fundamentalism can provide the “political glue” that can bind the nation together. Hence Afghanistan is bound to emerge as a militant Islamic state in the future, if not in the next few months.

Kazakhstan is an Algeria in the making. The President, Nursultan Nazabaev, basically oversees the defunct Communist apparatus, and is personally committed to a secular state. However, the political dissent arising from the economic subservience experienced by Kazakhs at the hands of the ruling class in Kazakhstan, who are people of Russian and German descent. The political aspirations of Kazakhs, already reduced to a minority, are represented by the nationalist movement called Alash which is advocating revival of the Islamic way of life. Nazabaev has quelled Alash and jailed its top leaders, but if western style casinos open in Alma Ata (the capial of Kazakhstan), as planned, the movement is bound to grow in strength. Kazakhistan represents a plum for the Islamic fundamentalist movement, since it is the only Muslim country with nuclear weapons production facilities and ballistic missile launch sites. The latest published figures show that there are 104 ICBMs (with 1040 nuclear warheads) and 40 strategic bombers (with 360 nuclear warheads) based in Kazakhstan.

The sum total of the geopolitical realities today is that Islamic fundamentalism(Sunni muslims) has or will spread to countries that surround Kashmir. It is expected to sweep the valley, which is full of welcome believers, in spite of the efforts by the Indian government to turn the tide and change the course of history. Thus, the prudent thing would be to not only try to contain the Islamic militancy but also to plan for alternative strategies, if the valley is finally overrun by competing political and religious forces Superpower Play

From the halls of the European Parliament in Strasbourg to the back rooms of the United Nations in New York, big powers are urging India and Pakistan to resolve the problem of Kashmir. There is ample evidence pointing to a developing consensus to bring Kashmir back into the world focus which will eventually lead to increasing the number of external (UN or otherwise) observers in the valley. Such a move is bound to give psychological boost to anti-Indian elements, thereby propelling them to champion their agenda with renewed vigor. This chain reaction will lead to increased militancy, subversion, terrorism, abuse of human rights, Islamic fundamentalism, and possibly a nuclear war.

In order to prevent this catastrophe, great emphasis should be placed on the recent writings in the Washington Post and the New York Times on Kashmir reflecting the future direction of the U.S. foreign policy. The solution – which will surely please neither India nor Pakistan – is to split the state, integrating most of Jammu and Ladakh with the Indian Union, and creating a new Indian state consisting of the Kashmir valley along with bordering Muslim pockets in Jammu and Ladakh regions. The line of actual control (LAC) will become the international border, allowing both India and Pakistan to retain sovereignty over the existing portions of Kashmir under their authority. However, both countries would demilitarize the region under the UN supervision and create a porous border to allow Kashmiris free travel between the two areas. The two Kashmirs will be given equal autonomy by both the countries which will be established during negotiation.

The above scenerio may appear far-fetched today but it can happen in the new world order where the United States has emerged as a sole superpower and the UN has taken the role of enforcer. The concerns that must be addressed are: What if it happens? What recourse do KPs have? Where will they end up? Should such a proud community with a 5,000 year old past end up as dinosaurs in the new world order?

Even if India were to eventually succeed in standing up to the world opinion, Kashmiri militants, and Islamic fundamentalism, the KP homeland would still have served its purpose. Recognizing that KPs cannot return to their homes immediately, the homeland will provide a safe haven and a secure zone for KPs to maintain a critical mass and allow continuity in their way of life.

KP Homeland

The homeland for KPs is an idea whose time has come and this concept should be given serious consideration by the Indian government and its people.

The idea of the separate homeland is endorsed by most KPs. As Indian citizens, KPs are exercisizing their right to demand safety and security within the Indian Union that has been denied to them for the last 650 years. Recently, the Indian government resumed political dialogue with Kashmiri Muslims (with the release of five Kashmiri political leaders from detention) to understand their aspirations. Time has also come to understand the position of other rightful inhabitants of the Kashmir valley.

KPs have expressed their aspirations for the homeland in a number of meetings held both in India and abroad. For example, on July 14 and 15, 1990 at a two-day international conference held in Jammu, the top intellectual and political leaders of the community made an unanimous demand (named Resolution No 4), the lead paragraph of which states:

“The scattered Kashmiri Hindu minority should be re-organised in a manner that will create a securiy zone with concentrated Hindu population in the valley, so as to accommodate seven lakh Kashmiri Hindus including those who have migrated from Kashmir in the past due to political and economic compulsions and having been deprived of their due share in the affairs of the state especially Kashmir Province.”

On November 14, 1991, at a meeting held by the representatives of the Kashmir Overseas Association, Indo-American Kashmir Forum and Panun Kashmir, a brief was released to the Press which includes the following statement:

“We strongly recommend and ask for the creation of safe areas, security zones on the same pattern as has been done by the United States of America for the Kurds in Iraq. In the security zones the Government shall have to give the displaced Kashmiris their fundamental right to security, honorable living, amd economic and ethnic viability. This may neccessitate constitutional guarantees for the displaced population. we reaffirm our support to the deliberations carried out at the Kashmiri Hindu Convention at Jammu in July 1990.”

In a second convention held in Jammu on December 26, 1991 called Margdarshan-91 that was attended by over 1,000 delegates from India and abroad, the KPs announced the following demands:
The establisment of a separate homeland for Kashmiri Hindus in the Kashmir Valley, comprising the regions of the valley to the East and North of river Jhelum.
The consitution of India be made applicable in letter and spirit in this homeland in order to ensure the right to life, liberty, freedom of expression, faith, equality and rule of law.
The homeland should be placed under central administration with a Union Territory Status until the time that it evolves its own economic and political infrastructure.
All the seven lakh Kashmiri Hindus, including those who have been driven out of Kashmir in the past and yearn to return to their homeland, and those who were forced to leave on account of the terrorist violence in Kashmir, be settled in the homeland on equitable basis with dignity and honor.
PANUN KASHMIR: A Homeland for Kashmiri Pandits.

The KP homeland will consist of areas north of the Pir Panchal mountains, starting from the Jawahar Tunnel and comprising of portions of the following districts: Anantnag, Baramulla, Srinagar, and Pulwama. The area will be carved out in a manner so that the Indian security forces can maintain control of strategic locations in the event that the Kashmir Valley is demilitarized under an international plan. Equally significant, however, is that historically important Hindu holy shrines and cultural centers in Anantnag, Verinag, Bawan, Mattan, and Amarnath will be saved from destruction and come alive with the chants and fervor of the believers – a key ingredient in alleviating the psychological pain and suffering experienced by the KP refugees today. Once their hearts, home, and hearth are in the proper place, KPs will surmount any problems related to the economic development of the region with confidence as survivors of the holocaust.

Conclusion

The demand for the KP homeland is not only just but also of strategic significance to India as the new world order imposes the final settlement on Kashmir. The KP community has lost its identity and is well on its way to extinction, unless their fate takes a new turn. The idea of the homeland is a monumental step in reversing the historical trends that have continued unabated in the last 650 years. The demand for the homeland is based on the current geopolitical realities both inside and outside of Kashmir and is the only way to save the Hindu people and culture in the valley. It is a basic right of a community to survive as a cultural and cthnic entity, and therefore the demand for a KP homeland should be affirmed by the government that is sworn to protect the life and liberty of its citizens. We can wait no longer.

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